The Politics of Regulatory Design in the Sovereign Debt Restructuring Regime

Author(s):  
Skylar Brooks

Abstract This article looks at two recent initiatives aimed at improving sovereign debt restructuring processes and asks why one initiative succeeded while the other failed. It argues that the success or failure of a reform initiative in the debt restructuring regime depends primarily on the legal-institutional design of the mechanism it is advancing. Hard law mechanisms face enormous political obstacles that make their realization unlikely. Several of these obstacles have been identified by previous studies, but this article highlights additional barriers. It also shows that, in contrast to hard law arrangements, private law contracts provide politically useful mechanisms for regulating debt restructuring, especially for powerful states with major influence over reform outcomes—namely, the United States. The article also argues that the historical legacy of earlier reform initiatives matters, but mainly through its ability to further enhance or diminish the political prospects of mechanisms whose utility has already been determined by their design features.

2021 ◽  

Politics in the United States has become increasingly polarized in recent decades. Both political elites and everyday citizens are divided into rival and mutually antagonistic partisan camps, with each camp questioning the political legitimacy and democratic commitments of the other side. Does this polarization pose threats to democracy itself? What can make some democratic institutions resilient in the face of such challenges? Democratic Resilience brings together a distinguished group of specialists to examine how polarization affects the performance of institutional checks and balances as well as the political behavior of voters, civil society actors, and political elites. The volume bridges the conventional divide between institutional and behavioral approaches to the study of American politics and incorporates historical and comparative insights to explain the nature of contemporary challenges to democracy. It also breaks new ground to identify the institutional and societal sources of democratic resilience.


2007 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-23
Author(s):  
Rachel Adler

Conducting research among immigrants in the United States can pose ethical problems not encountered by anthropologists working abroad. Research occurs, of course, in the context of a political milieu. When anthropologists are working outside of their own societies, it is easier to dissociate themselves from the political sphere. This is because foreign anthropologists are not expected to embrace the political rhetoric of societies of which they are only observers. Ethnographers inside the U.S., on the other hand, often become politicized, regardless of their academic intentions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonah Koetke ◽  
Beverly Conrique ◽  
Karina Schumann

Liberals and conservatives in the United States dislike and dehumanize those on the other side. This divide leads to political stalemates, destroyed relationships, and even violence. We examined the benefits of humanizing members of the political outgroup by providing people with humanizing information—cues that signal a person’s cognitive and emotional complexity. We examined the effectiveness of humanizing information in three preregistered experiments (N = 1389). Study 1 tested whether learning humanizing information about an outgroup member would reduce bias towards them, relative to a control containing only political information. Study 2 sought to replicate this effect by comparing the humanizing information to a control that contained non-humanizing individuating information. Study 3 tested this effect in the timely context of social media feeds, while also testing whether the benefits of learning humanizing information extended to additional members of the outgroup. Each methodology revealed that, compared to those who read non-humanizing controls, participants who learned humanizing information about a political outgroup member were less hostile and more empathic toward that outgroup member. All three studies also provided evidence that judging the outgroup member as more human contributed to this reduction in bias. Further, Study 3 revealed that the benefits of humanizing information extended to members of the outgroup that were connected to the humanized member. The current studies thus identify a promising avenue for reducing interparty hostility.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 777-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS B. CRAIG

William Gibbs McAdoo is best known as the other half of the great Democratic Party meltdown at the party's national convention in 1924, when he and Alfred E. Smith fought for the presidential nomination over nine days and 102 ballots. We know much about Smith, but much less about what McAdoo stood for and what constituencies he appealed to during his unsuccessful campaign for that nomination. This article puts some flesh on the bones of McAdoo's candidacy in 1924 by looking more closely at his nomination platform and strategy, and by showing how his term as director general of the United States Railroad Administration (USRRA) in 1918 was pivotal in his campaign for the presidential nomination in 1924. At the USRRA McAdoo used federal control not only to rationalize the railroads but also to create an electoral constituency for his presidential ambitions. Although his time at the helm of the USRRA finished at the end of 1918, McAdoo remained prominent in the debate over its fate and then assiduous in his attempts to cash in the political chips he had accumulated through his work with it.


Author(s):  
Robin Fiddian

The chapter identifies elements of a postcolonial sensibility in prose works of Borges during the period 1925–32. The historical threshold is the centenary, in 1924, of the conclusion of the wars of independence from Spain, which granted freedom to territories historically under the rule of the Viceroyalty of Peru (and from 1776, the Viceroyalty of the River Plate), including modern-day Argentina. Key themes include the challenge of recreating a cultural tradition in the 1920s, which Borges conveniently views as a tabula rasa; the rejection of nationalist ideology; and the assertion of a criollo Argentine identity which occasionally dovetails with a continental, pan-American identity that is shared, in turn, with the United States. Texts discussed include ‘The Complaint of Every criollo’, ‘The Full Extent of My Hope’, Evaristo Carriego, ‘The Other Whitman’, and ‘Paul Groussac’. Authors mentioned include Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rudyard Kipling, Frantz Fanon, and José Hernández.


Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Mastropaolo

This article examines a number of the major works on Italy conducted by political scientists from the United States in the second half of the twentieth century. Focusing on the research of Banfield, Almond and Verba, Tarrow and Putnam, it discusses the interpretations of Italy offered by these scholars and examines the contribution they have made to the political and intellectual debate surrounding the so-called ‘Italian case’. It concludes that the image presented of Italy by American researchers is generally critical and often simplified and stereotypical. Moreover, rather than highlighting the clichés frequently present in such accounts, Italian intellectuals have tended instead to use them in order to construct a wholly negative perspective of Italy and, in many instances, have distorted the original intentions of those American political scientists whose work is cited as evidence.


2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Montgomery

Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore have offered us two distinct arguments, one persuasive, the other anything but. There is much to be said for their proposition that the political coalitions that instituted New Deal reforms, far from being the historic culmination of an inexorable march from laissez-faire to the welfare state, were fragile and limited from the start and crumbled beyond the possibility of retrieval after 1970. Much more dubious is their contention that the basic explanation of both the limits and the defeat of the New Deal is to be found in a political culture of individualism, which they claim has circumscribed the political life of the United States from the nation's founding to the present.


Philosophy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Volpilhac-Auger

The first readers of Montesquieu (b. 1689–d. 1755) confronted the breadth of writings that extended into every domain, seeking to offer a global vision of human activities by means of the notion of relationship (rapport) that outright rejects any artificial segmentation of the real. It is multiple as well in its form, insofar as it adopts, while renewing them radically, the paths of fiction, treatises, and essays. But his thought has often been teleologically reduced to The Spirit of Law (L’Esprit des lois, 1748) alone, to which all the rest of his work was supposed to be leading. To be sure, it is a culminating work; but with the discovery of a mass of uncompleted or confidential manuscripts it has become impossible to limit ourselves to his published works: if we are to understand its design and implications in depth, to see even its meaning (for Montesquieu’s thought, synthetic and rich in allusions, is concentrated, even elliptical), it is better to contextualize it and show its evolution. The edition of the texts (and of course their translations as well) here assumes particular importance, for it is not merely a function of philology, but also of interpretation, and it grounds the hermeneutic, which has developed historically in several directions. The first critiques bore on the supposed disorder of The Spirit of Law. This still sometimes underlying notion has become marginal, especially after the renewal of research around 1960. On the other hand the reproach of not choosing between fact (particular) and right (universal), what is and what ought to be, or rather describing without taking sides and underrating the question of value, assumes major importance; to it correspond the political question and that of justice, to which must be added two little-understood aspects of his philosophical activity: the domain of history, and that opened by the Persian Letters. A section on Montesquieu in Context also allows us to put Montesquieu’s originality into relief by indicating the philosophical currents in which he can be situated, more precisely in a section on Montesquieu and the Foundations of Modern Thought; and the Posterity section looks at the echo and influence of his work, more especially in the United States, which merits its own section. As a complement, we have thus also adopted an analytical presentation of the different means that allow us to approach his work: simple tools, edited collections, monographs that are rarely aligned along a single axis or theme of his thought, so pregnant is this totalizing vision in which “everything is closely connected.” By way of complement, bibliographies, biographies, and research resources, indispensable tools, are also presented. The author would like to thank Philip Stewart for translating this article from French into English.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shanto Iyengar ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
Neil Malhotra ◽  
Sean J. Westwood

While previously polarization was primarily seen only in issue-based terms, a new type of division has emerged in the mass public in recent years: Ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distrust those from the other party. Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party's members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded, and they are unwilling to socialize across party lines. This phenomenon of animosity between the parties is known as affective polarization. We trace its origins to the power of partisanship as a social identity, and explain the factors that intensify partisan animus. We also explore the consequences of affective polarization, highlighting how partisan affect influences attitudes and behaviors well outside the political sphere. Finally, we discuss strategies that might mitigate partisan discord and conclude with suggestions for future work.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (16) ◽  
pp. 15-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henriette W. Langdon ◽  
Terry Irvine Saenz

The number of English Language Learners (ELL) is increasing in all regions of the United States. Although the majority (71%) speak Spanish as their first language, the other 29% may speak one of as many as 100 or more different languages. In spite of an increasing number of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) who can provide bilingual services, the likelihood of a match between a given student's primary language and an SLP's is rather minimal. The second best option is to work with a trained language interpreter in the student's language. However, very frequently, this interpreter may be bilingual but not trained to do the job.


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