The Great Game in the North Caucasus

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 384-390
Author(s):  
Michael Khodarkovsky

This article concerns imperial Russia’s foreign policy in Asia during the early nineteenth century, specifically the “Great Game” engaged in by Russia and Britain in the North Caucasus.

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-198
Author(s):  
SANA HAROON

AbstractThis paper is a reconsideration of the career of the north-Indian Sayyid Ahmed Shaheed (1786–1831). I argue that Sayyid Ahmed used a Sufi devotional premise to understand and explain principles of orthodoxy. He also applied a concept of innate spiritual knowledge to reformed practice, suggesting that ordinary people, without scholarly training, could determine and apply the principles of orthodox practice of Islam for themselves and for others. His movement modified traditional seminary-centred teaching and leadership through the creation of a popular and easily transferrable system of practice rooted in the community and imprinted with the obligation to spread reformist teachings.


Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.


Author(s):  
Gordon Jackson

The ending of the Napoleonic war in 1815 was not followed by the same sort of bounding activity as followed the ending of the previous war in 1783, for two very obvious reasons. The sudden expansion after 1783 had resulted chiefly from the changed relationship between Britain and America; and the last few years of the Napoleonic war had themselves witnessed both "recovery" and prosperity in the whaling trade which preceded the normal return to peace-time activities. The year 1808 had been one of appalling depression in overseas trade when, because of restrictions imposed for war purposes, ports all over the country came virtually to a standstill. The whaling trade had suffered with the rest, and the prosperity of the early years of the century was briefly interrupted. Only fifty-six ships sailed for the Northern Fishery in 1808, and only nineteen for the Southern, though the aggregate value of their catches - as usually happened - remained disproportionately high....


2020 ◽  
pp. 115-139
Author(s):  
Sarah Clemmens Waltz

This chapter re-evaluates Felix Mendelssohn’s ‘Scottish’ works by placing them in the context of the early-nineteenth-century North German view of Scotland, especially as channelled through Mendelssohn’s mentors Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Carl Friedrich Zelter. Such interest in Scotland was undergirded by a belief in a shared German-Celtic past and a sense that Scottish culture was not exotic but rather essentially German. Figures in Mendelssohn’s circle participated in deliberate attempts to claim a general northern antiquity for German culture, using arguments concerning the relationship of climate, race, and character. A recontextualization of Scotland as representing a lost German past may signal additional reinterpretations of Mendelssohn’s anticipations of travel, his travel experiences, and his statements concerning folk song, as well as his Fantasy, Op. 28, originally titled Sonate écossaise.


1936 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. T. Leeds

From the market-place at Faringdon the Oxford road mounts steadily, passing under the north slope of the hill known variously as Faringdon Clump or Faringdon Folly. The hill is a rounded knoll, the summit of which stands 505 ft. O.D. and, besides being a well-known landmark in the Vale of White Horse, commands an extensive prospect in every direction. Like Cumnor Hurst, Shotover, Brill and others, it is one of a series of undenuded caps of Cretaceous sands overlying Berkshire oolites that crop out at intervals between Faringdon and Aylesbury. The sands are ferruginous, dark yellow with lighter sands below, divided by a layer of sandstone rock. On the summit of the hill is a clump of beeches and Scotch firs, probably planted here, as on so many similar eminences, in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century.


2014 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Holmes

This article examines Presbyterian interpretations in Scotland and Ireland of the Scottish Reformations of 1560 and 1638–43. It begins with a discussion of the work of two important Presbyterian historians of the early nineteenth century, the Scotsman, Thomas McCrie, and the Irishman, James Seaton Reid. In their various publications, both laid the template for the nineteenth-century Presbyterian understanding of the Scottish Reformations by emphasizing the historical links between the Scottish and Irish churches in the early-modern period and their common theology and commitment to civil and religious liberty against the ecclesiastical and political tyranny of the Stuarts. The article also examines the commemorations of the National Covenant in 1838, the Solemn League and Covenant in 1843, and the Scottish Reformation in 1860. By doing so, it uncovers important religious and ideological linkages across the North Channel, including Presbyterian evangelicalism, missionary activity, church–state relationships, religious reform and revival, and anti-Catholicism.


Author(s):  
Michael Ledger-Lomas

Methodism was originally a loosely connected network of religious clubs, each devoted to promoting holy living among its members. It was part of the Evangelical Revival, a movement of religious ideas which swept across the North Atlantic world in the eighteenth century. This chapter charts the growth and development, character and nature, and consolidation and decline of British Methodism in the nineteenth century from five distinct perspectives. First, Methodism grew rapidly in the early nineteenth century but struggled to channel that enthusiasm in an effective way. As a result, it was beset by repeated secessions, and the emergence of rival Methodist groups, each with their own distinctive characteristics, of which Wesleyan Methodism was the largest and most influential. Second, while Methodism grew rapidly in England, it struggled to find a successful footing in the Celtic fringes of Wales, Ireland, and Scotland. Here, local preoccupations, sectarian tensions, and linguistic differences required a degree of flexibility which the Methodist leadership was often not prepared to concede. Third, the composition of the Methodist membership is considered. While it is acknowledged that most Methodists came from working-class backgrounds, it is also suggested that Methodists became more middle class as the century progressed. People were attracted to Methodism because of its potential to transform lives and support people in the process. It encouraged the laity to take leadership roles, including women. It provided a whole network of support services which, taken together, created a self-sufficient religious culture. Fourth, Methodism had a distinctive position within the British polity. In the early nineteenth century the Wesleyan leadership was deeply conservative, and even aligned itself with the Tory interest. Wesleyan members and almost all of Free Methodism were reformist in their politics and aligned themselves with the Whig, later Liberal interest. This early conservatism was the result of Methodism’s origins within the Church of England. As the nineteenth century progressed, this relationship came under strain. By the end of the century, Methodists had distanced themselves from Anglicans and were becoming vocal supporters of Dissenting campaigns for political equality. Fifth, in the late nineteenth century, Methodism’s spectacular growth of earlier decades had slowed and decline began to set in. From the 1880s, Methodism sought to tackle this challenge in a number of ways. It sought to broaden its evangelical message, and one of its core theological precepts, that of holiness. It embarked on an ambitious programme of social reform. And it attempted to modernize its denominational practices. In an attempt to strengthen its presence in the face of growing apathy, several branches of Methodism reunited, forming, in 1932, the Methodist Church in Britain. However, this institutional reorganization could not stop the steady decline of British members into the twentieth century. Instead, Methodism expanded globally, into previously non-Christian areas. It is now a denomination with a significant world presence. British Methodism, however, continues to struggle, increasingly of interest only as a heritage site for the origins of a much wider and increasingly diverse movement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruslan Shangaraev ◽  
Aidamir Valiev

Turkey offers itself to be a regional leader for the Middle East, North Africa, partly for the Balkans and the Caucasus, while pursuing its own interests, not least economic ones. Turkey's foreign policy activation, and not only in the South, but also in the North Caucasus, is probably intended to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara. When analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey during the rule of the ruling Justice and Development Party, of course, you need to pay special attention to the foreign policy concept of neo-Ottomanism, the architect of which is Ahmet Davutoglu. The developed new approach "strategic depth" means that for Turkish diplomacy, Turkey's deep historical and cultural roots in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Greater Caucasus and Central Asia (former territories of the Ottoman Empire) are more important than the existing state borders. The pragmatism of Ankara's foreign policy is also manifested in a sober assessment of the popularity in the Caucasus of such ideas as Great Turan (a pan-Turkic project of a single state for all ethnic Turks) and neo-Ottomanism. For Caucasians, the times of the rule of the Ottoman Empire are the golden age of prosperity. Turanism is more aimed at awakening "kindred feelings" based on the common Turkic heritage. "They are implementing practical humanitarian projects, identifying leaders of public opinion who are ready to cooperate. Ankara is pursuing a policy of small steps in order to change the social and cultural image of the region in the long term. In general, Turkish leader is confident that due to historical reasons and the realities of modern politics The Caucasus is a zone of direct strategic interests of Turkey. Ankara, relying on the support of the United States and NATO, takes an active part in most regional political and economic projects, actively intervenes in the affairs of the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central Asian and North African regions, tries to strengthen its role beyond their borders, which often overlaps with the national interests of Russia.


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