Turkish northern Caucasus foreign policy impact Russian national security

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruslan Shangaraev ◽  
Aidamir Valiev

Turkey offers itself to be a regional leader for the Middle East, North Africa, partly for the Balkans and the Caucasus, while pursuing its own interests, not least economic ones. Turkey's foreign policy activation, and not only in the South, but also in the North Caucasus, is probably intended to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara. When analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey during the rule of the ruling Justice and Development Party, of course, you need to pay special attention to the foreign policy concept of neo-Ottomanism, the architect of which is Ahmet Davutoglu. The developed new approach "strategic depth" means that for Turkish diplomacy, Turkey's deep historical and cultural roots in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Greater Caucasus and Central Asia (former territories of the Ottoman Empire) are more important than the existing state borders. The pragmatism of Ankara's foreign policy is also manifested in a sober assessment of the popularity in the Caucasus of such ideas as Great Turan (a pan-Turkic project of a single state for all ethnic Turks) and neo-Ottomanism. For Caucasians, the times of the rule of the Ottoman Empire are the golden age of prosperity. Turanism is more aimed at awakening "kindred feelings" based on the common Turkic heritage. "They are implementing practical humanitarian projects, identifying leaders of public opinion who are ready to cooperate. Ankara is pursuing a policy of small steps in order to change the social and cultural image of the region in the long term. In general, Turkish leader is confident that due to historical reasons and the realities of modern politics The Caucasus is a zone of direct strategic interests of Turkey. Ankara, relying on the support of the United States and NATO, takes an active part in most regional political and economic projects, actively intervenes in the affairs of the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central Asian and North African regions, tries to strengthen its role beyond their borders, which often overlaps with the national interests of Russia.

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166
Author(s):  
Maxim A. Suchkov

The North Caucasus is a most significant but a least understood problem in contemporary U.S.-Russia relations. The United States as one of the prime pace-setters in the region shaped its own attitude towards Russia’s most volatile region. Over more than twenty years, Washington experienced at least three major stages in its “Caucasus strategy”, and each stage had its impact on the North Caucasus. Since the beginning, the two states stuck to conflicting narratives of developments in the region. With time, some of the assessments were re-evaluated, but some continue to impede cooperation on key security issues. The present article explores these phenomena and examines what implications major events like the 9/11 attacks, the Caucasus Emirate enlistment among top terrorist organisations, the Boston marathon bombings, etc. had for the U.S.-Russia joint efforts in fighting terrorism. It also assesses areas of potential disagreement in the North Caucasus between the two countries.


After the 1990, it is very important that in the immediate vicinity of the geopolitical changes that have occurred in Turkey. The first changes is Iran and Iraq on the edge. Especially the Turkey-Iran and Iraq, all kinds of geopolitical developments occurring in the triple border, to a critical value. Because the triple border Iran and Iraq by Turkey as a safety check. For this reason, has become the center of all kinds of illegal developments. Iran, conducts a policy of asymmetric after 1990, in the Caucasus, and the Middle East and Central Asia geography. This policy from time to time an anti-U.S. hostility toward the West and exacerbate. The attitude of the West and the United States due to the foreign policy of Turkey's neighbor Iran rather problematic periods. Because the entire Middle East and Central Asia, Turkey's policies on Iran, which is a pretty effective. For this reason, Iran, Turkey is a country that needs to be analyzed by far the best.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor' Bocharnikov

The monograph defines the origins, essence and content of the Caucasian policy of Russia, its main stages, its significance for the development of Russian statehood and the peoples of the region. The monograph pays special attention to the Caucasian wars of Russia, the experience of suppressing anti-Russian and anti-Soviet armed demonstrations in the region. The historical and modern experience of the development of the Caucasus region shows that the weakening of Russia's position in the region naturally leads to an escalation of tension and conflict, aggravation of inter-ethnic contradictions, manifestations of extremism and other forms of destructive activities that threaten the life of citizens and peoples of the Caucasus. As a result, the strength of Russia's position in the Caucasus is a guarantee of the safe and free development of the peoples of the region. The author's conclusions and suggestions presented in the monograph can be used in the process of implementing a balanced and verified policy in order to ensure the national security and interests of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus, building relations with neighboring states in the region, as well as other international actors positioning their involvement in the political processes of the South Caucasus. It is addressed to researchers, teachers, students, a wide range of readers.


Electrum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Lara Fabian

The early relationships between the polities of Armenia and K‘art‘li in the South Caucasus and their neighbours in the North Caucasus is a central, but underappreciated, factor in the development of the South Caucasus’ social and political world in the Hellenistic period. Typically, only military aspects of these interactions are considered (e.g., Alan raids and control thereof). Hazy evidence of cross-Caucasus marriage alliances preserved in both the Armenian and Georgian historiographic traditions, however, hints at a far wider sphere of interaction, despite the inherent challenges in gleaning historical reality from these medieval accounts. This paper contextualizes two stories of cross-Caucasus marriage related to foundational dynastic figures in the Armenian and Georgian traditions, Artašēs and P‘arnavaz respectively, within a wider body of evidence for and thought about North-South Caucasus interaction. Taken as a whole, this consideration argues that North-South relationships should be seen as integral to the political development of the South Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Irina Gabsatarov ◽  
L. Koroletski ◽  
E. Selivanova ◽  
E. Artyomova ◽  
O. Kamenskaya

. It is reported that 59 seismic stations operated in the region in 2013. In the western and eastern parts of the region, new stations equipped with Russian digital equipment UGRA were opened: Aibga, Fisht, Karaman. The seismic network recorded 1941 earthquakes and 34 explosions in industrial quarries. 37 earthquakes were felt in the settlements of the Caucasus. The maximum shaking intensity, equal to Imax=6 on the MSK-64 scale, was felt during earthquakes on April 16 at 12h26m with КР=11.8 in the settlements of Kichi-Gamri, Mamaul, Myurego of Dagestan. Swarms of weak earthquakes with КР=4–8 were recorded in the Greater So-chi, Krasnaya Polyana areas, in Kabardino-Balkaria, and in the adjacent territory of Georgia in the area of Kazbek volcano. The area of manifestation of earthquakes with intermediate hypocenter depths, which previously belonged only to the Terek-Caspian trough (the territory of the Chechen Republic) along the diagonal Benoy-Eldarov suture zone, expanded in 2013 to the southeast and advanced under the structures of the Dagestan wedge. According to the level of seismic energy released, seismicity of the territory of the North Caucasus in 2013 characterized in accordance with the scale of the seismicity level as “background low” for the period of observations from 1962 to 2013. The strongest earthquakes occur in the connection zones of the main tectonic structures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-59
Author(s):  
DANIYAL S. KIDIRNIYAZOV ◽  

Based on documentary material and scientific literature, the article highlights the place of the North Caucasus in Russia's foreign policy at the time under review. The progressive decline of Shah's Iran and Sultan's Turkey, and the active entry of Peter's Russia into the international arena put the question of the fate of the Caucasus, in particular the North Caucasus, in the circle of important problems of world politics in the period under study. Having become one of the main sources of contradictions in relations between Russia, Persia and the Ottoman Porte, the Caucasus, due to its important geostrategic positions, attracted the attention of the European leading powers - Britain and France. In addition, the role of Ottoman and Western emissaries in Russia's foreign policy during the period under study is considered. Western States, along with the implementation of the "Eastern barrier" policy in Europe, incited the confrontation of Iran and Turkey with the Russian Empire in the Caucasus in order to prevent the advance of St. Petersburg to the Caspian and Black seas, and Russia's exit to the middle East. To this end, the European powers sought to use the support b ases of the Ottoman Sultan and the Crimean Khan, created on the approaches to the North Caucasus in the XVI-XVII centuries. The contradictions between Britain and France on European Affairs, on the one hand, and between Iran and Turkey, on the other, did not exclude the possibility of temporary compromises between the rival States, which was also facilitated by the obvious anti - Russian orientation of their policy in the Caucasus. The Pro-Russian attitude of the local population in the Crimean war and their active desire to fight on the side of the Russian troops are also shown.


2020 ◽  
pp. 203-235
Author(s):  
M. Hakan Yavuz

The chapter summarizes reactions to neo-Ottomanism in the former Ottoman territories of the Balkans and the Middle East. After a brief recap of the region’s Ottoman legacy, the chapter traces how Balkan countries (Serbia, Greece, Albania, and Bosnia) responded to neo-Ottomanism in their respective foreign policy discourses. The chapter also reviews how Arab societies remember the Ottoman period by distilling the secular-nationalist appropriation of the Ottoman Empire as backward, alien, and defined by Turkish colonial rule. In response to this secularist-nationalist reading of the Ottomans, Islamic-oriented segments of the population consider the Ottoman Empire as part of their history. They regard it as the vanguard of anti-colonial rule protecting Muslims against European colonialism. The chapter’s final section summarizes how Erdoğan became a popular figurehead for Muslim groups in the region amid the backdrop of the Arab Spring and Turkey’s growing isolation from its traditional partners in the global community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-84
Author(s):  
Shakhban M. Khapizov ◽  
Hayk E. Hakobyan

The paper analyses the content of some of the parts of the work of the Armenian author of the 19th century bishop Vardan Odznetsi, kept in Matenadaran – the Institute of Ancient Manuscripts of Armenia. The full text of the work has not yet been published. The text is unique, as it is one of the last sources, written in the style of the Armenian historical literature of the Middle Ages. In his work, Vardan Odznetsi tells in detail about the court of the Georgian king Heraclius II (1720–1798). It also provides information about the Talysh Khan Mustafa and the Avar Nutsal Ummah Khan, known in historiography under the distorted name of Omar Khan. Thus, the chronicle of Odznetsi covers the history of not only Transcaucasia, but also the North Caucasus. In addition, the author describes in sufficient detail the events of the Crimean War (1853–1856). The information, provided by Vardan Odznetsi, is quite important in the context of studies devoted to the anti-Ottoman and anti-Iranian wars of the peoples of the Caucasus. In his work, a special attention is drawn to the scrupulous description of the invasion of Tbilisi in the summer of 1795 by the Iranian shah Aga-Muhammad Khan Kajar. With deep regret he tells about the destruction of the city, believing that this is the fault of the Georgian king, who showed political shortsightedness. In the 1790s Avar nutsal Ummah Khan (1761-1801) started to play an important role in the military-political events taking place in the South Caucasus, which is also mentioned in the work under review. He describes the relations of Umma Khan and his son-in-law Ibrahim-khan of Karabakh, their joint military campaigns on adjacent lands. At the same time, the work under study is an important source describing the transition of the kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti, and subsequently the entire Caucasus, under the protection of the Russian Empire. A study of this manuscript will serve as a more detailed source-study of the history of the Caucasus of the 18th – 19th centuries.


Author(s):  
Э.Б. Сатцаев

Кавказ является одной из сложных в этническом отношении областей в мире. Большинство национальных групп проживает на территории Северного Кавказа. Южный же Кавказ (Закавказье) не отличается разнообразием национального состава. Азербайджанцы, грузины, армяне, осетины, абхазы и талыши являются коренными народами Южного Кавказа и тысячелетиями живут на его территории. Язык азербайджанцев относится к тюркской группе алтайской семьи. Армянский язык составляет отдельную группу в индоевропейской семье. Грузинский язык входит в картвельскую семью. Осетины и талыши являются ирано-язычными народами. Язык абхазов относится к адыго-абхазской языковой семье. В результате длительного культурно-исторического и политического общения с иранскими народами в языки Южного Кавказа вошло большое число иранских элементов. В грузинском языке лексика иранского происхождения соотносится со всеми иранскими языковыми эпохами – древней, средней и новой. Она составляет органическую часть грузинского языка, входя в основное ядро его лексики. По причине значительной близости древнеиранских языков затруднительно установить, какой именно из них стал источником того или иного заимствования. В последние столетия грузинский вобрал в себя значительное количество слов из новоперсидского и осетинского языков. Армянский этнос тысячелетиями находился в тесном контакте с иранскими народами. Эти связи нашли свое отражение в армянском языке. Армянский, как и грузинский, заимствовал большое количество иранской лексики. Азербайджанский язык сформировался сравнительно недавно и испытал огромное влияние новоперсидского языка. Через посредство персидского языка в языки Южного Кавказа проникла также арабская лексика. Характер лексической смешанности языков Южного Кавказа значительно сложнее чисто количественных или только цифровых сопоставлений. Этот вопрос может быть решен путем конкретных исследований в различных областях словарного состава, прежде всего в историческом плане. The Caucasus is one of the most ethnically complex regions in the world. The majority of national groups live in the North Caucasus. The Southern Caucasus (Transcaucasia) does not differ in the diversity of its national composition. Azerbaijanis, Georgians, Armenians, Ossetians, Abkhazians and Talyshians are indigenous peoples of the South Caucasus and have lived on this territory for thousands of years. The Azerbaijanian language belongs to the Turkic group of the Altai family. Armenian language is a separate group in the Indo-European family. The Georgian language belongs to the Kartvelian family. Ossetians and Talyshians are Iranian-speaking peoples. The Abkhazian language belongs to the Adygo-Abkhazian language family. As a result of long-term cultural, historical and political communication with the Iranian peoples, a large number of Iranian elements have entered the languages of the South Caucasus. In the Georgian language, the vocabulary of Iranian origin corresponds to all the Iranian language epochs – ancient, middle and new. It forms an organic part of the Georgian language, forming the main core of its vocabulary. Due to the significant proximity of the ancient Iranian languages, it is difficult to determine which of them could have been the source of a particular loan. In recent centuries, Georgian has absorbed a significant number of words from the new Persian and Ossetian languages. The Armenian ethnic group has been in close contact with the Iranian peoples for thousands of years. These connections are reflected in the Armenian language. Armenian, like Georgian, borrowed a large amount of Iranian vocabulary. The Azerbaijanian language was formed relatively recently and was greatly influenced by the new Persian language. Through the medium of the Persian language, Arabic vocabulary also penetrated into the languages of the South Caucasus. The character of lexical mixing of the languages of the South Caucasus is much more complex than purely quantitative or only digital comparisons. This issue can be resolved through specific research in various areas of vocabulary, primarily in historical terms.


Author(s):  
Aleksej Erohin ◽  
◽  
Sergej Vorobev ◽  
Evgenii Avdeev ◽  
◽  
...  

Introduction. The article presents the results of the research, which helped to determine the assessments and perceptions of young people in the Caucasus region about the state, nature and direction of the development of ethnopolitical processes, to identify common and special in the views of youth in the North and South Caucasus. Methods and Materials. Sociological research within the framework of the scientific project “Ethno-Political Processes in the Caucasus in the Assessments and Perceptions of Modern Youth” was carried out by the authors of the article in 2019 using the online survey method. 2,000 respondents were interviewed, namely students of leading universities of the region (1,000 respondents were interviewed in the North Caucasus and 1,000 respondents in the South Caucasus), the age of the respondents being 18-24 years old. The role of state authorities in the formation of civic and national identity among youth of the North Caucasus was revealed as a result of the content analysis of regional programs and other information materials in 2018. Analysis. It was found that the spectrum of the main ethnopolitical issues of concern to young people in the Caucasus region is largely identical for both the North and South Caucasus. It was revealed that civic, national, and religious identities are of priority and equal importance for the vast majority of youth. Civic and national identity for the absolute majority of Caucasian respondents is associated with the preservation of national culture and history, pride of their country and its achievements, protection of the Fatherland, and the guarantee of human rights and freedoms. Regional identity is a priority for the overwhelming majority of young people in the Caucasus. It can be assumed that risks of conflict between civil, national, and confessional identities persist among young people in the region. Youth in the Caucasus have a high level of political activity and consider their active participation in the political life of the region necessary. At the same time, they are more inclined towards a constructive solution to socio-political problems, volunteering, as well as dialogue and cooperation with state authorities. The main actors forming political views, according to the majority of respondents, are the environment in which they communicate, close relatives, as well as the blogosphere and social networks. The role of state administration in the formation of civil and national identity among young people in the North Caucasus is analyzed. The conclusion is that it is necessary to strengthen work in the region to develop public initiatives among youth, to involve them in socially significant activities, to activate their creative potential, and to develop their participation in various civil society institutions, especially volunteer organizations. Results. The conclusion is made about the need for a wide integration of young people of the region into the all-Russian socio-cultural space, the implementation of equal partnership between youth, civil society institutions and state authorities, greater involvement of young people in activities that contribute to the economic, socio-political and cultural development of the region. Key words: youth, ethnopolitical processes, Caucasus, political activity, civic identity, national identity.


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