scholarly journals The Fascist Who Fought for World Peace: Conversions and Core Concepts in the Ideology of the Swedish Nazi Leader Sven Olov Lindholm

Fascism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-35
Author(s):  
Johan Stenfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Core Concepts ◽  
Definition Of

This article deals with the political conversion and ideological thought of the Swedish National Socialist Sven Olov Lindholm (1903–1998). Lindholm began his career as a fascist in the twenties, and became a member of Sweden’s main National Socialist party led by Birger Furugård, in the early thirties. Ideological divisions and a failed attempt to oust Furugård saw Lindholm found his own party in January 1933, the nsap (later renamed the sss). Previous research has often described this party as a left-wing Nazi alternative, but its ideological basis has never been thoroughly dissected. The present article uses a variety of archival collections, speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper articles to suggest a cluster of six interdependent core concepts in Sven Olov Lindholm’s ideological thought: anti-Semitism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-materialism, the idealization of the worker, and the definition of Nazi Germany as a worker’s state. Lindholm underwent a second political awakening in the sixties, redefining himself as a communist, and thus the article also examines the ideological remains thereafter. It is found that anti-materialism, linked to a broad antipathy to modernity, was central throughout his career.

Anti-Semitism Research

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Benz
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anti Jewish

Anti-Semitism refers to all anti-Jewish statements, tendencies, resentments, attitudes, and actions, regardless of whether they are religiously, racially, socially, or otherwise motivated. Ever since the experience of National Socialist ideology and dictatorship, anti-Semitism has been understood as a social phenomena which serves as a paradigm for the formation of prejudices and the political exploitation of the hostilities that ensue from them. As prejudice research, it is primarily interested in the behaviour and attitudes of different majority societies, and strictly speaking, it does not even require knowledge of the discriminated minority. This article claims that anti-Semitism research and Jewish studies are not interconnected, nor dependent on one another. However, the history of Jews, their interaction with non-Jewish majority societies, their persecution and extermination, serves anti-Semitism research as a paradigm.

scholarly journals Assurance-maladie et libéralisme économique: l’échec de l’initiative populaire du Parti socialiste suisse de 1974

Gesnerus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-122
Author(s):  
Hadrien Buclin
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
Business Community ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Welfare Benefits ◽  
Assurance Maladie ◽  
The Government ◽  
Popular Initiative

In 1974, the Swiss citizens voted against a popular initiative aimed at reforming the health insurance, launched by the Swiss Socialist Party. They refused as well a less ambitious counter-proposal elaborated by the government. This failure of the left-wing reformers is worthy of interest. This was, indeed, the main attempt until now to implement a healthcare subsidization based on social funding that would provide a wide risk coverage. In fact, shortly after the vote, the emerging economic crisis rather reinforced the advocates of a limitation of social welfare benefits. This durably hindered the political Left’s hopes of transforming in depth the Swiss healthcare system. The 1974 failure of the socialist initiative thus contributed to strengthen the conservative model, which received support from right-wing forces and the business community.

The Outbreak of World War I and the Socialist “War on War”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War I ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Early National

This chapter examines the role played by the Socialist Party in shaping the political debate over Woodrow Wilson's neutrality and preparedness policies following the outbreak of World War I. It considers how the Socialist Party sought to create a viable working-class antiwar movement, declaring “war on war” as it strongly contested the Wilson administration's definitions of U.S. national security, preparedness, and citizenship duties. It also also looks at the different personalities involved in early national Socialist Party policy formulations as well as U.S. foreign policy debates, including Allan Benson who sought to make foreign policy more subject to democratic checks and balances by leading a campaign for a national referendum on war.

scholarly journals Karl Barth’s role in church and politics from 1930 to 1935

2007 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
André J. Groenewald
Keyword(s):  
Natural Theology ◽  
Karl Barth ◽  
Church Of Christ ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Word Of God ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Church

Karl Barth saw in natural theology a threat to the church of Christ. He was convinced that the so-called “German Christians” under the influence of the National Socialist Party practised natural theology. He advocated the need for the church of Christ to be church according to the Word of God. The church can be true church of Christ when it listens to and obeys the true calling of God. Barth’s critique of an exclusive “Volkskirche” can serve as a corrective for the definition of the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk as a “volkskerk”.

III. Japan's Post-War Socialist Party

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 957-969 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Saffell
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Ferment ◽  
Second Period

The development of Japan's Socialist party since V.J. Day may logically be considered in three periods. The first period, that of reorganization, began in August, 1945, and continued until the first post-war election in April, 1946. The second period comprised the months between April, 1946, and June, 1947, during which Socialists were gathering strength in the chief opposition party. The third period, from May, 1947, to February, 1948, saw the revolutionary passage of Japan's government into the hands of a Socialist-led cabinet.Left-Wing Realignment: August, 1945–April, 1946. Against a background of military defeat, dissolution of war-time political agencies, and resulting efforts at political realignment should be set the movement which led to formation of the present Shakaito (Social Democratic party). By late August of 1945, the political ferment was active; by early September, Tokyo papers were reporting that remnants of the old proletarian and agrarian organizations—Ronoto (Laborers' and Farmers' party), Nominto (Farmers' party), and Shakai Taishuto (Social Mass party)—were already drawing the lines of the new party formation.

scholarly journals Higher Un-Learning and the Attack on Black Scholarship: The Political and Racialist Demagoguery of David Horowitz

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. p6
Author(s):  
Earnest N. Bracey, Ph.D., DPA
Keyword(s):  
Racial Equality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Intellectuals ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Devil

To say that popular writer David Horowitz is a staunch conservative is not very useful or important to the following discussion about this strange and confused Jewish man. Indeed, whatever happened to Horowitz’s integrity and commitment (as a young man) to the cause of liberal ideas and principles, such as racial equality, equal rights for all; and specifically, justice for the poor and the downtrodden? Did Horowitz sell his soul to the devil for selfish reasons (and recognition), and/or for money? Horowitz, no doubt, enjoys his role immensely as an academic provocateur or troublemaker, and champion of the new conservative right. We are dumbfounded by Horowitz’s neo-ignorance. But he is certainly making more money as a rabid conservative than when he was an avowed left-wing radical of the sixties. So Horowitz has essentially sold-out the traditional liberal cause with his hackneyed criticism of black, public intellectuals and black liberal scholarship. But he should know that all Americans do not share his conservative points of view and mistaken philosophy on many political issues.

scholarly journals The Curious Case of Left-Wing Authoritarianism: When Authoritarian Persons Meet Anti-Authoritarian Norms

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucian Gideon Conway ◽  
James McFarland ◽  
Thomas H Costello ◽  
Scott Owen Lilienfeld
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Spectrum

Left-Wing Authoritarianism (LWA) has a controversial history in psychology. Some researchers have expressed skepticism about the existence of LWA, whereas others have argued that LWA is a valid construct. In the present article, we offer a framework to reconcile these two perspectives by proposing that ideologically-based authoritarian norms are sometimes in conflict with the processes that create authoritarian individuals. In Western political contexts, authoritarian norms are more likely to occur on the conservative side of the political spectrum; but authoritarian persons can occur in both conservatives and liberals. In our model, left-wing authoritarians thus often occupy the space where forces influencing authoritarianism are in conflict. We review existing evidence related to the model, derive four hypotheses from the model, and discuss criteria for falsifying the model. We conclude by considering the model’s place in current research on the complexities of ideology.

The 1933 German Protestant Church Elections: Machtpolitik or Accommodation?

1980 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelley Baranowski
Keyword(s):  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Evangelical Church ◽  
Protestant Church ◽  
Eastern Germany ◽  
Local Parish

On 23 July 1933, the pro-Nazi German Christian movement won a stunning victory in the elections for representatives to local parish councils of the German Evangelical Church. In many areas, especially north and eastern Germany where the National Socialist party itself was strongest, the German Christians attracted as much as 75 percent of the vote. The Old Prussian Union church, which embraced most of the political unit of Prussia, felt the effects most profoundly. Upon filling the higher synods after the parish elections, the German Christians were the majority in seven of eight provincial representative bodies. Only the provincial synod in Westphalia retained a non-German Christian majority. Yet this resulted less from a lack of a strong German Christian following in the parishes than from an intentionally undemocratic filtering system that protected higher synods from the Nazi sympathizers.

Hungary

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Pittaway
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Interpretation ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Second World

Historical interpretation of Hungarian fascism has been shaped by the political divisions that followed its fall in 1945. Almost from the moment of the war's end, Hungary's left-wing political parties used their anti-fascist credentials to legitimize their political project for Hungary's future. From the end of the Second World War, through most of the socialist era, ‘Horthy fascism’ was described as the pursuit of territorial revision, and institutionalized anti-Semitism was held responsible for the tragedies of Hungary's painful entanglement in the Second World War and the murder of the majority of the country's Jewish population. The roots of both Hungarian fascism and the dominant neo-conservative ideology of the inter-war years lay in a polarization of politics that began in the 1890s, when conservative intellectuals responded to the growing mobilization of the left in the country's industrial centres and a greater assertiveness from non-Magyar speakers, who composed half of pre-war Hungary's population.

scholarly journals Autonomiczni Nacjonaliści . Próba zewnątrz- i wewnątrzsystemowej charakterystyki subkultury politycznej reprezentującej nowy typ nacjonalizmu

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4 (248)) ◽  
pp. 25-54
Author(s):  
Marcin Pielużek
Keyword(s):  
Corpus Linguistics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Information Platform ◽  
Organisational Form ◽  
New Type ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Tools And Techniques ◽  
New Formula

Autonomous Nationalists. An Attempt of the Extra- and Intra-Systemic Characteristic of the Political Subculture Representing a New Type of Nationalism The main aim of the article is to portray a new far-right phenomenon of Autonomous Nationalists political subculture. The groups established in early 2000s are characterised on one hand by a subcultural organisational form modelled on the Antifa anarchist movement. On the other hand, they exemplify typical postmodernist „liquid ideologies”, in which the extreme right postulates are combined with a new formula of a internationalist, “non-chau­vinist” nationalism and left-wing optics. The article consists of two parts. The first presents the extra-systemic optics – an attempt to describe this milieu and locate it in the nationalist ideological spectrum was made based on the available scientific sources. The second part attempts to capture the self-definition of Autonomous Nationalists in their media and iden­tify the key values for this milieu. This part employs quantitative and qualitative analyses carried out with the use of corpus linguistics tools and techniques. The research material consisted of ideological texts published on the Autonom.pl website, the leading information platform of these circles. The article is intended to promote media research of subcultural groups and groups operating on the periphery of the political system. STRESZCZENIE Głównym celem artykułu jest próba charakterystyki nowego zjawiska obecnego na skrajnie prawicowej scenie politycznej, jakim jest subkultura polityczna Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów. Powstałe w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. grupy cechuje z jednej strony subkulturowa forma organizacyjna, wzorowana na anarchistycznych bojówkach Antifa, z drugiej stanowią one egzemplifikację typowej dla postmodernizmu „płynnej ideologii”, w ramach której łączone są typowe dla skrajnej prawicy postulaty z nową formułą internacjonalistycznego, „nieszowinistycznego” nacjonalizmu i lewicową optyką. Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. W pierwszej zaprezentowano optykę zewnątrzsystemową, w której podjęto próbę opisania tego środowiska i ulokowania go w nacjonalistycznym spektrum ideologicznym w oparciu o dostępne źródła naukowe. Druga część stanowi próbę uchwycenia autodefiniowania się polskich Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów w swoich mediach oraz identyfikacji kluczowych dla tego środowiska wartości. W tej części wykorzystano ilościowo-jakościowe analizy reali­zowane z wykorzystaniem narzędzi i technik lingwistyki korpusowej. Jako materiał badawczy zostały wybrane teksty ideologiczne opublikowane na stronie Autonom.pl pełniącej funkcję głównej tuby propagandowej tych środowisk. Artykuł stanowi wkład w badania mediów grup subkulturowych i funkcjonujących na peryferiach systemu politycznego.

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