scholarly journals Autonomiczni Nacjonaliści . Próba zewnątrz- i wewnątrzsystemowej charakterystyki subkultury politycznej reprezentującej nowy typ nacjonalizmu

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4 (248)) ◽  
pp. 25-54
Author(s):  
Marcin Pielużek
Keyword(s):  
Corpus Linguistics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Information Platform ◽  
Organisational Form ◽  
New Type ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Tools And Techniques ◽  
New Formula

Autonomous Nationalists. An Attempt of the Extra- and Intra-Systemic Characteristic of the Political Subculture Representing a New Type of Nationalism The main aim of the article is to portray a new far-right phenomenon of Autonomous Nationalists political subculture. The groups established in early 2000s are characterised on one hand by a subcultural organisational form modelled on the Antifa anarchist movement. On the other hand, they exemplify typical postmodernist „liquid ideologies”, in which the extreme right postulates are combined with a new formula of a internationalist, “non-chau­vinist” nationalism and left-wing optics. The article consists of two parts. The first presents the extra-systemic optics – an attempt to describe this milieu and locate it in the nationalist ideological spectrum was made based on the available scientific sources. The second part attempts to capture the self-definition of Autonomous Nationalists in their media and iden­tify the key values for this milieu. This part employs quantitative and qualitative analyses carried out with the use of corpus linguistics tools and techniques. The research material consisted of ideological texts published on the Autonom.pl website, the leading information platform of these circles. The article is intended to promote media research of subcultural groups and groups operating on the periphery of the political system. STRESZCZENIE Głównym celem artykułu jest próba charakterystyki nowego zjawiska obecnego na skrajnie prawicowej scenie politycznej, jakim jest subkultura polityczna Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów. Powstałe w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. grupy cechuje z jednej strony subkulturowa forma organizacyjna, wzorowana na anarchistycznych bojówkach Antifa, z drugiej stanowią one egzemplifikację typowej dla postmodernizmu „płynnej ideologii”, w ramach której łączone są typowe dla skrajnej prawicy postulaty z nową formułą internacjonalistycznego, „nieszowinistycznego” nacjonalizmu i lewicową optyką. Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. W pierwszej zaprezentowano optykę zewnątrzsystemową, w której podjęto próbę opisania tego środowiska i ulokowania go w nacjonalistycznym spektrum ideologicznym w oparciu o dostępne źródła naukowe. Druga część stanowi próbę uchwycenia autodefiniowania się polskich Autonomicznych Nacjonalistów w swoich mediach oraz identyfikacji kluczowych dla tego środowiska wartości. W tej części wykorzystano ilościowo-jakościowe analizy reali­zowane z wykorzystaniem narzędzi i technik lingwistyki korpusowej. Jako materiał badawczy zostały wybrane teksty ideologiczne opublikowane na stronie Autonom.pl pełniącej funkcję głównej tuby propagandowej tych środowisk. Artykuł stanowi wkład w badania mediów grup subkulturowych i funkcjonujących na peryferiach systemu politycznego.

scholarly journals Left-Wing Xenophobia in Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svenja Kopyciok ◽  
Hilary Silver
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Status ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Ethnic Inequality ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Redistributive Policies ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Political Spectrum

Given rising populist nationalism and multiplying meanings of “right” and “left,” this paper assesses whether Europeans who identify as extremely left-wing on the political spectrum hold anti-immigrant attitudes. In contrast to right-wing xenophobes, we further examine whether the political left, who conventionally emphasize class conflict, oppose immigrants less for cultural reasons and more for materialist reasons. We also consider whether socioeconomic status and values traditionally associated with the political left—favoring redistributive policies, egalitarianism, or social rights to benefits and services for immigrants—temper left- more than right-wing xenophobia. We find that a surprisingly large share of those who identify as far left do express extremely xenophobic attitudes, and we profile them in contrast to far right xenophobes. With logistic regression analysis of nine waves of the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we find that, all things equal, socioeconomic status influences far left xenophobia more than far right xenophobia, but inegalitarian values, less support for redistributive policies, and welfare chauvinism can only partially account for far left xenophobia and unexpectedly do not distinguish it from far right xenophobia. This implies that far left parties might adopt anti-immigrant policies to try to retain their loyal voters, even though such policies do not comport with broader left-wing values and may increase racial and ethnic inequality. Controlling for demographic and attitudinal differences reduces the probability of xenophobia among the far left by about sixty percent, but there remains some residual anti-immigrant attitudes among this group still to be explained.

scholarly journals War, Disease and Aesthesis.

TECHNOLOGOS ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Myshkin Oleg
Keyword(s):  
Space Time ◽  
Modern Concept ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autoimmune Reaction ◽  
Political Body ◽  
Biological Analogy ◽  
The Face ◽  
New Type ◽  
Definition Of

Instead of a critical attitude of Modernity this article establishes naivety as a means to describe transformations that human experience is forced to undergo being affected by hybrid (in Latour’s terms) and nonhuman agencies. To compare the image of the modern war with a new type of conflict that has developed over the past decades in terms of space-time it attracts allies such as Gilles Deleuze, оbject-oriented ontologists, S. Shaviro and Alfred Whitehead. The new type of conflict in question is the terrorist activity guided by the doctrine of Taqiyya, or strategic (dis)simulation, described by Reza Negarestany in his essay The Militarization of Peace: Absence of Terror or Terror of Absence? The reason for this choice of objects for comparison is the fact that this new wave of terrorism decomoses the space-time framework of war established by Modernity proliferating like a virus and functioning according to the “bottom up” principle. That’s why it is potentially the most successful – and therefore dangerous – for it actively exploits the “biological” analogy of society and the tree internalizing itself into the structure of the political body and causing an excessive allergic autoimmune reaction on its part and then destroying the political body from the inside. In this respect the logic of its unfolding repeats at the macro-level of society the logic of spreading the virus at the micro-level of the individual's body, as described by Eugene Tucker in the essay Nosos, nomos, and bios. In the face of these threats, definition of the spatial and temporal framework for the functioning of terror and viral infection becomes a necessary condition for survival. Such a definition, in turn, requires a revision of the modern concept of space-time with it’s notions of the fundamental locality of actual entities, the linearity/discreteness of time and the relations of internal/external. In other words, it requires a revision of our concept of aesthesis.

scholarly journals Digital governmentality: Participatory governance vs. biopolitics

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-473
Author(s):  
Olga Ignatjeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Participatory Governance ◽  
Public Governance ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Collège De France ◽  
New Type ◽  
Multiple Meanings ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Made In

The notion of governmentality was first used by the French postmodern philosopher Michel Foucault during his lectures at the College de France in 1978-1979. The term is one of the characteristics of political power, along with sovereignty and discipline, but it characterizes its later stages of evolution. Foucault and his commentators give multiple meanings to this term, but perhaps the most accurate ones are the definition of governmentality as a way of rational thinking about the realization of political power and governmentality as the art of government. The emergence of governmentality is associated with the emergence of political economy and implies the use of biopolitical techniques, a concept that Foucault introduces to emphasize the need for socio-hu- manitarian knowledge in disciplining the “political body”. Evolution and peculiarities of biopolitics are discussed in detail in this article in relation to each type of governmentality. This article examines three types of governmentality (liberalism, authoritarianism, neoliberalism) introduced by the French thinker and proposes considering a new type of governmentality that characterizes the modern stage of society’s development. Here we use a governmentality concept as a methodological instrument for analysis of a new type of governance. The author notes that digital governmentality is characterized by governance using digital platforms. The article provides a detailed description of the architecture of one such platforms, as well as a set of algorithms that will mediate the interaction between the population and government representatives. The purpose of this article is to identify the essence of digital governmentality and its nature. Is the emerging form of public governance through digital platforms, as a consequence of its digitalization, demo- cratic and participatory, or is it still a more sophisticated way of governing the population using manipulative, biopolitical strategies? An attempt to answer this question is made in the article by considering both the evolution of the term governmentality itself and the technological features of digital platforms with their interpretation based on Michel Foucault’s concept.

Hollande may stand again but right look stronger

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Nicolas Sarkozy

Subject The political outlook after the 'departement' elections. Significance Following the March 2015 'departement' elections, four candidates are emerging as front-runners for the 2017 presidential election in their respective camps. After enjoying a political comeback in recent months and seeing internal Socialist Party (PS) and other left-wing opposition sidelined, President Francois Hollande will now almost certainly be able to run for re-election as the PS candidate. Former Prime Minister Alain Juppe and former President Nicolas Sarkozy are battling for control of the centre-right, divided principally by strategy towards immigration, Islam and the National Front (FN). FN leader Marine Le Pen has emerged from a decisive showdown with her father as an even stronger far-right candidate. The political landscape has shifted to the right. Impacts Having re-established some stability around his presidency, Hollande is now unlikely to risk it by pursuing economic reforms. Hollande could aggravate divisions among the Greens and on the far left by including Green ministers in the government in coming months. As potential presidents, both Juppe and Sarkozy appear willing to engage in substantial structural reform. Jean-Marie Le Pen's final political exit will allow a new generation to take definitive charge of the FN and complete its 'detoxification'.

scholarly journals The Fascist Who Fought for World Peace: Conversions and Core Concepts in the Ideology of the Swedish Nazi Leader Sven Olov Lindholm

Fascism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-35
Author(s):  
Johan Stenfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Core Concepts ◽  
Definition Of

This article deals with the political conversion and ideological thought of the Swedish National Socialist Sven Olov Lindholm (1903–1998). Lindholm began his career as a fascist in the twenties, and became a member of Sweden’s main National Socialist party led by Birger Furugård, in the early thirties. Ideological divisions and a failed attempt to oust Furugård saw Lindholm found his own party in January 1933, the nsap (later renamed the sss). Previous research has often described this party as a left-wing Nazi alternative, but its ideological basis has never been thoroughly dissected. The present article uses a variety of archival collections, speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper articles to suggest a cluster of six interdependent core concepts in Sven Olov Lindholm’s ideological thought: anti-Semitism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-materialism, the idealization of the worker, and the definition of Nazi Germany as a worker’s state. Lindholm underwent a second political awakening in the sixties, redefining himself as a communist, and thus the article also examines the ideological remains thereafter. It is found that anti-materialism, linked to a broad antipathy to modernity, was central throughout his career.

Why the Russian Regime is not Fascist

2021 ◽  
pp. 138-156
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
State Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Core Element ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Definition Of

This chapter synthesizes the political niches inside state structures, the grassroots actors, and Russia's strategy of bolstering the European and U.S. far right into a broader discussion deconstructing the main theories of Russia's alleged fascism. It presents Timothy Snyder's argument in which he based his claim on historical analogies rather than on the advancement of a typology of fascism that would fit the current Russian regime. The chapter also demonstrates another aspect of the debate to be debunked following Russia's alleged fascism: the use of the concept of totalitarianism. The totalitarianism theory states that totalitarianism is a novel form of government that cannot be considered a higher degree of authoritarianism but is instead one of a kind. The chapter then shifts to discuss the Putin regime's missed core element of fascism: mass indoctrination and mobilization. Ultimately, the chapter identifies only one feature of a scholarly definition of fascism in the Russian regime: the militia subculture which is directly supported by state institution.

scholarly journals A New Explanation for the Color Variety of Photons

2018 ◽  
Vol 186 ◽  
pp. 01003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gh. Saleh ◽  
M. J. Faraji ◽  
R. Alizadeh ◽  
A. Dalili
Keyword(s):  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Photoelectric Effect ◽  
True Motion ◽  
Wave Particle Duality ◽  
Order Of Magnitude ◽  
Energy Formula ◽  
New Type ◽  
Unique Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
New Formula

This new explanation is based on Wave-Particle Duality and Newtonian Laws and represents a unique definition of a three-dimensional motion for the photon, whose dual behavior is partly explained by the double-slit experiment of Thomas Young, who represents the photon's motion as a wave, and by the Photoelectric effect, in which the photon is considered as a particle. However, for scientists, the photon's true motion is unclear. In this article, we define a new type of motion for photons to solve both this ambiguity and the difficulty of presenting a three-dimensional trajectory for the photon's motion, and present a new formula to calculate its energy. In addition, because we believe in the helical motion of photons, where r is the gyroradius, we believe that their color is an effect of the order of magnitude of r. We present real examples that prove our energy formula.

Jean Tirole: The political economy of corporate finance (On the book by J. Tirole “The theory of corporate finance”)

2017 ◽  
pp. 128-141
Author(s):  
N. Ranneva
Keyword(s):  
Economic Theory ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Graduate Students ◽  
Corporate Finance ◽  
Critical Review ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Economic ◽  
New Type ◽  
Finance Theory ◽  
Empirical Material

The present article undertakes a critical review of the new book of Jean Tirole, the winner of the 2014 Nobel Prize in Economics, “The theory of cor- porate finance”, which has recently been published in Russian. The book makes a real contribution to the profession by summarizing the whole field of corporate finance and bringing together a big body of research developed over the last thirty years. By simplifying modeling, using unified analytical apparatus, undertaking reinterpretation of many previously received results, and structuring the material in original way Tirole achieves a necessary unity and simplicity in exposition of extremely heterogeneous theoretical and empirical material. The book integrates the new institutional economic theory into classical corporate finance theory and by doing so contributes to making a new type of textbook, which is quite on time and is likely to become essential reading for all graduate students in corporate finance and microeconomics and for everyone interested in these disciplines.

Bacurau as Science-Fiction Revenge Fantasy

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
Jocimar Dias
Keyword(s):  
Science Fiction ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Colonial Violence

When Bacurau (dir. Kleber Mendonça Filho and Juliano Dornelles, 2019) was released in Brazil, it was mainly received as a left-wing critique of the rise of the far right in the country’s political landscape. But some critics argued that the feature’s insistence on graphic violence was actually a celebration of barbarism, equating the oppressed villagers to their genocidal oppressors. This article refutes this view, borrowing from the analysis of science-fiction revenge fantasies and also following Foucault’s genealogical perspective. It argues that Bacurau actually reenacts Brazil’s foundational colonial violence through its complex temporality, in order to rediscover the forgotten past of real struggles that remain surreptitiously inserted in all levels of society, perhaps in the hope that new ways of resistance may flourish from its spectatorial experience.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

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