scholarly journals A Jewish Response to French Antisemitism in Revolutionary Times

2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Wim Klooster

Abstract In the same years in which Jews were elected to the Dutch national assembly (the Batavian Convention), Jews on Curaçao were characterized in a letter received on the island in an unmistakably anti-Semitic way. The author was the prominent French official Victor Hugues, based in Guadeloupe. Two elders of the local Jewish community responded with a letter that shows a remarkable assertiveness, probably facilitated by the emancipation of Jews in the Dutch metropole. They reminded him of the principles of the French revolution, of which he was a servant. The letter, in the possession today of a private collector, is transcribed and translated here and provided with a context.

1984 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-61
Author(s):  
Lowell L. Blaisdell

One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revolutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happenings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition.


AJS Review ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay R. Berkovitz

For the Jews of France, as for their fellow countrymen, the French Revolution came to constitute the myth of origin, the birthdate of a new existence. On September 27, 1791, two years after the storming of the Bastille and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the French National Assembly voted to admit the Jews of Alsace-Lorraine to citizenship. Subsequent generations would recall this momentous event as a turning point of extraordinary magnitude, and would view themselves as compelling evidence of its transformative power. Their memories tended to be dominated by images of celebration and glory, comparing the Revolution to the Sinaitic revelation and referring to it in messianic-redemptive terms. Not surprisingly, the many setbacks and misfortunes suffered by the generation of 1789 were largely absent from these recollections, while only meager appreciation for the complexities introduced into Jewish cultural life can be detected in the half-century following the Revolution. Even more significant was the ascendant historical view, undoubtedly colored by a pervading sense of optimism among leaders of French Jewry, that credited the Revolution with having put an end to centuries of humiliation, legal discrimination, and exclusion from the mainstream of society.


Author(s):  
Thomas Paine

Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other, Mr Burke’s pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary instance. Neither the People of France, nor the National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the English...


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-183
Author(s):  
Camiel Hamans

Abstract How Enlightenment eradicated a language: About the disappearance of Yiddish in the NetherlandsThis study discusses the disappearance of Yiddish in the Netherlands. At the end of the 18th century a small group of progressive Jews, inspired by the French Revolution and the ideas of the Jewish Enlightenment Haskalah, tried to implement changes in the Jewish community of Amsterdam. One of the innovations they proposed was giving up Yiddish in favor of Dutch. Their arguments were threefold: Yiddish was a corrupted language in which it was impossible to think clearly. Secondly, by using Yiddish the Jews isolated themselves, which led to their backwardness and poverty. Thirdly, by not mastering the national language, the Jews were unable to make full use of their newly acquired civil rights. The initiative of this small group of forerunners met with fierce resistance in the Jewish community. With the help of two successive kings, who sought centralization and the creation of a common national identity, the progressive liberal group finally gained victory. After about a century, it turned out that Yiddish had disappeared from the Netherlands.


Author(s):  
Michael P. Fitzsimmons

The French Revolution ushered in a remarkable change in language, with both neologisms and new meanings for existing words. Supporters and critics of the Revolution often utilized a dictionary format for new or existing words to portray it in either a favorable or a pejorative manner. Provisionally funded in 1790, the Académie, rooted in the traditional high French of the court and elite, ignored the linguistic innovations, leading François-Urbain Domergue to attempt to form a body that would codify Revolutionary language, although it never came to fruition. Ultimately, partially because of its closeness with the monarch and in part because of the lateness with which Talleyrand presented a plan on educational reform, the Académie survived the reform agenda of the National Assembly, enabling it to continue work on the fifth edition. However, it disregarded not only linguistic innovations but also the societal transformation brought about by the National Assembly.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-165
Author(s):  
Christian Biet ◽  
Judith Miller

Joël Pommerat created and staged with his Company Louis Brouillard a version of the onset of the French Revolution. Ça ira: La Fin de Louis focuses on the formation of a National Assembly by recreating debates from within the audience’s space. The energetic production, like Lin-Manuel Miranda’s Hamilton, foregrounds possibilities rather than lamenting dead ends. Any resemblance to today’s political scene is, of course, intentional.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-479
Author(s):  
Noah Shusterman

Abstract French Revolutionaries shared many of the same beliefs as their American counterparts about the relationship between citizenship and bearing arms. Both nations’ leaders viewed standing armies as a threat to freedom, and both nations required militia participation from a portion of the citizenry. Yet the right to bear arms is a legacy only of the American Revolution. The right to bear arms came up several times in debates in France’s National Assembly. The deputies never approved that right, but they never denied it either. During the first years of the Revolution, the leading politicians were wary of arming poor citizens, a concern that was in tension with the egalitarian language of the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Moreover, militias thrived during the early years of the French Revolution and became instruments—albeit unstable ones—for maintaining a social domination that played out along class lines. In response to the contradictions in their positions, French revolutionary leaders remained silent on the issue. In France as in the United States, the question of whether or not there was a right to bear arms was less important than the question of who had the right to bear arms.


1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 277-283
Author(s):  
ISSER WOLOCH

Becoming a revolutionary: the deputies of the French National Assembly and the emergence of a revolutionary culture, 1789–1790. By Timothy Tackett. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Pp. xvi+355. ISBN 0-69-104384-1. $29.95.Elections in the French Revolution. By Malcolm Crook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xiii+221. ISBN 0-521-45191-4. $35.00.The notion of a revolutionary change in collective psychology has long been present in certain master narratives of the French Revolution. Georges Lefebvre deployed this concept in his analysis of the psychodynamics that propelled revolutionary crowds. He also introduced the notion more casually in discussing the ‘patriot’ elites who experienced a psychological upheaval when the parlement of Paris ruled in September 1788 that the forthcoming Estates General should be organized as in 1614, meaning that the third estate would be submerged under the weight of the two privileged orders. While William Doyle's revisionist synthesis has plausibly argued that the parlement's intention was less nefarious (it wished to prevent the king from using new ground rules to pack the Estates with pliant deputies), it does not change the fact that public opinion would never be the same after that consciousness-raising event. More broadly, R. R. Palmer, in trying to convey the uniquely revolutionary thrust of the French experience in 1789 – having already contextualized it in relation to other European and American upheavals – wrestled with that issue in a section that he called ‘The formation of a revolutionary psychology’.


2014 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-67
Author(s):  
William Selinger

AbstractEdmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France is most famous and controversial for Burke's opposition to the philosophy behind the Revolution. This essay examines Burke's more practical criticisms of the French National Assembly which pervade the pamphlet, and shows their connection to his earlier arguments about corruption in the House of Commons. Burke's insight into the future course of the French Revolution is based in his distinctive approach to thinking about the pathologies of legislative assemblies, which he initially developed in the House of Commons, and later applied to the French National Assembly.


Author(s):  
Terry Rey

Shortly after the fall of the Trou Coffy insurgency in March 1792, Abbé Ouvière was appointed a delegate of the free colored Confederacy and tasked with returning to France to present their cause before the National Assembly in Paris. The delegation’s chief aim was to secure their full civil rights as French citizens; however, unbeknownst to them, Abbé Ouvière was a royalist who rejected the French Revolution and acted clandestinely to restore the rule of the ancien régime over Saint-Domingue. Several dramatic turns thus ensued when the priest’s papers were seized, including letters from his co-ideologues and his ailing wife, whom he had secretly married two years prior. Forced to flee France because of his political deceit, Ouvière would soon find himself in Jamaica, eventually making an dramatic passage to Philadelphia to embark on a new phase of his life. Chapter 7, “An Abbé’s Atlantic Adventures,” focuses on these events.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document