scholarly journals A Failed Politician, a Disputed Jesuit: Cardinal Johann Eberhard Nithard (1607–81)

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-569
Author(s):  
Miguel Córdoba Salmerón
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
State Politics ◽  
Black Legend ◽  
The Church

One of the most controversial Jesuit cardinals was Johann Eberhard Nithard, not only because of the intriguing circumstances of his promotion, but also because he was a favorite of Queen Mariana of Austria, regent of Spain and mother of King Charles ii. The aim of this essay is to examine a series of events in Nithard’s life, focusing in particular on the details surrounding his consecration as bishop and creation as cardinal. This task is performed through an analysis of various sources, many of which—including the Jesuit ones—have been responsible for forging Nithard’s black legend, which resulted in his eventual expulsion from Spain and in distorted narratives of historians of Nithard’s role in the church and state politics in the seventeenth century.

The view from the devil’s mountain: Clarendon, Cressy and Hobbes, and the past, present and future of the Church of England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Seaward
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The lives, and political thought, of Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, and Thomas Hobbes, were closely interwoven. In many ways opposed, their views on the relationship between Church and State have often been seen as less far apart, with Clarendon sharing Hobbes’s Erastianism and concerns about clerical assertiveness in the 1660s. But Clarendon’s writings on Church-State relations during the 1670s provide little evidence of concern about clerical involvement in politics, and demonstrate his vigorous adherence to a fairly conventional view among early seventeenth-century churchmen about the proper boundaries to royal interference in the Church; his worries about attempts to push further the implications of the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs are evident in his writings against Hobbes, as are his even greater anxieties, exacerbated by the conversion of his daughter, the Duchess of York, about the dangers of Roman Catholic encroachment.

Pandangan Eklesiologi Calvin mengenai Politik Praktis dalam Pelayanan Gereja

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfons Renaldo Tampenawas
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
State Politics ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The World ◽  
The Church ◽  
What Matters

Abstract: This article discusses the inclusion of Calvin’s exclusion of politics in practical churchservice of the Calvin Chruch and state (politicos) as two things that the Lord allows for attending tolife in the world, but both church and state (politics) both have different duties and responsibilitieswhile also helping one another. There’s basically no supremarcy between the two. But what matters iswhen politics blends with service in the church, in another sense the church becomes the vehicle forpolitics. This is what they call a practical political activity. Where both personal and politicalinterests have made the church a tool for sustaining support. This is made the church lose its identityas salt and the light of the world.Keywords: church; ecclesiology; ecclesiology of Calvin; practical politicsAbstrak: Artikel ini membahas mengenai pandangan Eklesiologi Calvin Mengenai Politik Praktisdalam pelayanan Gereja. Dalam Eklesiologi Calvin gereja maupun negara (politik) merupakan duahal yang diijinkan Tuhan untuk hadir dalam kehidupan di dunia, akan tetapi baik gereja maupunnegara (politik) keduanya memiliki tugas dan tanggung jawab yang berbeda walaupun juga salingmenolong satu dengan yang lain. Pada dasarnya tidak ada supremasi antara keduanya. Namun yangmenjadi persoalan ketika politik bercampur aduk dengan pelayanan di dalam gereja, dalam arti yanglain gereja menjadi kendaraan bagi politik. Inilah yang dinamakan dengan kegiatan politik praktis,dimana kepentingan pribadi maupun kelompok partai politik menjadikan gereja sebagai alat untukmencari dukungan. Hal ini membuat gereja kehilangan jati diri/identitas sebagai garam dan terangdunia.Kata kunci: eklesiologi; eklesiologi Calvin; gereja; politik praktis

Mission Delayed: The Russian Orthodox Church after the Conquest of Kazan'

2007 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-540
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Romaniello
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Active Period ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Church

Muscovy's active period of eastward expansion began with the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan’ in 1552. By the seventeenth century, one observer claimed that the conquest of Kazan’ was the event that made Ivan IV a tsar and Muscovy an empire. With this victory, the tsar claimed new lands, adding to his subjects the diverse animistic and Muslim population of Turkic Tatars and Chuvashes, and Finno-Ugric Maris, Mordvins, and Udmurts. The conquest of Kazan’ provided both the Metropolitan of Moscow and Ivan IV (the Terrible) an opportunity to transform the image of Muscovy into that of a victorious Orthodox power and to justify the title of its Grand Prince as a new caesar (tsar). Since the conquest was the first Orthodox victory against Islam since the fall of Constantinople, commemorations of it were immediate, including the construction of the Church of the Intercession by the Moat (St. Basil's) on Red Square.The incorporation of the lands and peoples of Kazan’ has served traditionally to date the establishment of the Russian Empire. Accounts of the conquest have emphasized the victory of Orthodoxy against Islam, with the Russian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan as the motive force behind this expansion. The conversion of the Muslims and animists of the region is portrayed frequently as automatic, facing little resistance. More recently, scholars have criticized this simplistic account of the conquest by discussing the conversion mission as a rhetorical construct and have placed increasing emphasis on the local non-Russian and non-Orthodox resistance to the interests of the Church and state.

Representing and Misrepresenting the History of Puritanism in Eighteenth-Century England

2013 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 205-218
Author(s):  
Robert G. Ingram
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Church ◽  
Church Government

An Englishman living during the mid-eighteenth century would have known that his country had been, at least since the late sixteenth century, a decidedly and, for the long-foreseeable future, an unalterably Protestant nation. But what sort of Protestant nation? One that needed a legally estabhshed church? And, if so, what sort of church should that church as established by law be? Did it, for instance, necessarily require a certain kind of church government? In its relation to the English state, did the church need to be the senior, equal or junior partner? And what rights, if any, should those not conforming to the estabhshed church have? These were vexing questions, and the mid-seventeenth-century civil wars had mostly been an intra-Protestant fight over them. Yet neither those internecine religio-political wars nor the subsequent political revolution of the late seventeenth century had resolved definitively any of the fundamental questions about church and state raised originally by the sixteenth-century religious Reformations. Those who had lived through the Sacheverell crisis, the Bangorian controversy or the fiercely anti-clerical 1730s recognized this all too well: historians, alas, have not.

Puritanism: the Problem of Definition

1965 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 283-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basil Hall
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Protestant Reformation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Ideal

There are those ready to admire the Puritans almost for the very name (as did Spurgeon), and there are others who like Sir Andrew Aguecheek when confronted with ‘a kind of Puritan’ are ready ‘to beat him like a dog’ (as did Macaulay): but may we not with Sir Toby say to both these groups, ‘For being a Puritan? Thine exquisite reason?’—for Sir Toby, even in his cups, saw the need apparently to distinguish and define.The problem of Puritanism is to define what it was and who the Puritans were—a fact often recognised but leading to little change in the treatment of the subject which is nearly always regarded as a comprehensive but homogeneous entity. Three examples may suffice to show what difficulties may arise for those who, seeking instruction, go to the most respected authors. First, A. S. P. Woodhouse, in Puritanism and Liberty, writes that ‘Puritanism is an entity’ capable of being extended to cover ‘the varied forces generated by the Protestant Reformation and given their opportunity by the revolt against the Crown and the Church in the first half of the seventeenth century.’ However, it is also possible to describe the Puritans as ‘the more conservative,’ ‘the strictly calvinistic,’ who ‘followed the Genevan pattern in Church and State’ and were ‘synonymous with Presbyterians.’ But, ‘the cleavage between the Presbyterians and sectaries is marked,’ yet this division leaves ‘the problem of the centre party, the Independents.’ Following Troeltsch one can speak of ‘a Puritan church type and a Puritan sect type, the ideal of the holy community is true of all the Puritan groups.’ Finally, ‘it is not necessary to posit a unity but there is continuity in Puritan thought.’ Here, as elsewhere, as soon as a statement is made a qualification of it, if not a contradiction of it, becomes necessary.

A ‘disorderly tumultuous way of serving God’: prayer and order in Ireland’s church and state, 1660–89

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (162) ◽  
pp. 207-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Rose Sawyer
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Church Leaders ◽  
The State ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Social Disorder ◽  
Church Hierarchy ◽  
Protestant Denominations ◽  
Wrath Of God ◽  
The Church

AbstractThis article examines the Church of Ireland’s relationship with Scots Presbyterians after the Restoration, focusing on the churchmen’s regular complaints against the ‘disorderly’ practices of the Presbyterian communities in Ireland. The established church leaders spoke of the threat of political and social disorder from the Presbyterians, and they repeatedly targeted the spontaneous ex tempore prayer and preaching practised by Scottish ministers in order to illustrate their concerns. This article uncovers the theological roots of these apparently civic complaints to explain their ubiquity and vehemence. It argues that the churchmen feared that such uncontrolled, unscripted prayer could lead to blasphemy and provoke the wrath of God on the nation, thereby triggering war and unrest such as they had experienced in the preceding decades. In their view, there was little difference between holding to an improperly ordered church hierarchy and worship practice, and forcing this disorder on the state. By illustrating the links between theology, ecclesiology and the potential for political sedition as they were understood by Restoration churchmen, this article demonstrates the importance of theological nuance for clarifying the complex relationship between Ireland’s two largest Protestant denominations in the seventeenth century.

“To Defer and Not to Hasten”: The Anabaptist and Baptist Appropriations of Tertullian's Baptismal Theology

2013 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-308
Author(s):  
Brian C. Brewer
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Church Membership ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church ◽  
Relative Purity

Regardless of the historiographical arguments made over the course of the last century regarding the relationship between Baptists and Anabaptists in the seventeenth century, every historian of Christianity must concede at least a typological connection between the two movements. Seventeenth-century Baptists shared numerous theological convictions with their sixteenth-century forerunners, including the novel ideas of the separation of church and state, the freedom of the individual conscience, and a voluntary ecclesiology which restricted the practice of baptism and church membership to professing adult Christians. Historians have likewise noted that the two movements differed from their magisterial Protestant counterparts in that each viewed its movement as a restoration of the church to first-century practices rather than as a mere reformation of the church to some previous era of perceived relative purity which remained under the auspices of government.

Financial Folly and Spain’s Black Legend

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio Drelichman ◽  
Hans-Joachim Voth
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Great Flexibility ◽  
Loan Contracts ◽  
Historical Tradition ◽  
Black Legend ◽  
Contractual Obligations ◽  
The Relationship

This epilogue argues that Castile was solvent throughout Philip II's reign. A complex web of contractual obligations designed to ensure repayment governed the relationship between the king and his bankers. The same contracts allowed great flexibility for both the Crown and bankers when liquidity was tight. The risk of potential defaults was not a surprise; their likelihood was priced into the loan contracts. As a consequence, virtually every banking family turned a profit over the long term, while the king benefited from their services to run the largest empire that had yet existed. The epilogue then looks at the economic history version of Spain's Black Legend. The economic history version of the Black Legend emerged from a combination of two narratives: a rich historical tradition analyzing the decline of Spain as an economic and military power from the seventeenth century onward, combined with new institutional analysis highlighting the unconstrained power of the monarch.

Dreams Give Birth to Reality”. Engraving Austroseraphicum Coelum as an Attempt to Create a New Reality by the Spanish Habsburgs Dynastic Propaganda / Sny rodzą rzeczywistość…”. Grafika Austroseraphicum Coelum jako próba kreowania nowej rzeczywistości za pomocą propagandy dynastycznej Habsburgów hiszpańskich

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Kurowiak
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
General Condition ◽  
Symbolic System ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Mission Of God ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The World ◽  
The Church

AbstractAs a work of propaganda, graphics Austroseraphicum Coelum Paulus Pontius should create a new reality, make appearances. The main impression while seeing the graphics is the admiration for the power of Habsburgs, which interacts with the power of the Mother of God. She, in turn, refers the viewer to God, as well as Franciscans placed on the graphic, they become a symbol of the Church. This is a starting point for further interpretation of the drawing. By the presence of certain characters, allegories, symbols, we can see references to a particular political situation in the Netherlands - the war with the northern provinces of Spain. The message of the graphic is: the Spanish Habsburgs, commissioned by the mission of God, they are able to fight all of the enemies, especially Protestants, with the help of Immaculate and the Franciscans. The main aim of the graphic is to convince the viewer that this will happen and to create in his mind a vision of the new reality. But Spain was in the seventeenth century nothing but a shadow of former itself (in the time of Philip IV the general condition of Spain get worse). That was the reason why they wanted to hold the belief that the empire continues unwavering. The form of this work (graphics), also allowed to export them around the world, and the ambiguity of the symbolic system, its contents relate to different contexts, and as a result, the Habsburgs, not only Spanish, they could promote their strength everywhere. Therefore it was used very well as a single work of propaganda, as well as a part of a broader campaign

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