Contesting the Colonizer or Hopeless Submission? Colonialism, Indigeneity, and Environmental Thinking in India, 1857–1910

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-224
Author(s):  
Vijaya Ramadas Mandala

Abstract This article examines in detail how the forms of national or indigenous consciousness emerged in the sphere of Indian political ecology between 1857 and 1910. The subjects of “ecological indigeneity” and “dispossession” formed as defining characteristics in the articulation of this ecopolitical thinking. The scholarship to date has produced voluminous writings on the political, economic, and social dimension of the histories of colonial unrest, but it has not adequately addressed the issue of how the subtext of environmentalism greatly mattered in shaping some of the resistance movements. Focusing on the period between the 1857 revolt and 1910, this study evaluates three groups – (1) the 1857 Indian rebels and the Gonds; (2) the ādivāsī tribes of Bastar in 1910; and (3) the early Indian Congress Nationalists in the 1880s – to elucidate the emergence of environmentalism and indigenous dispossession in colonial India, which became foundational in critiquing British interventionist policies.

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (87) ◽  
pp. 551-567
Author(s):  
Andréa Alcione de Souza ◽  
Rafaela Cyrino Peralva Dias

Abstract Based on research conducted in Belo Horizonte, with 25 black managers, this article analyzes how the career mobility discourse is based on the idea of personal merit. Considering this central problem and authors such as Pierre Bourdieu, Jessé Souza and Carlos Hasenbalg, the research analyzed the assumptions, functionalities and productive character that the idea of personal merit assumes in the interviewees' discourse. The results obtained point to a perception of the process of moving up in the organization career path that has strong meritocratic components; a perception that ignores or minimizes the social, emotional, moral and economic preconditions that interfere in the differential performance obtained by individuals. Moreover, this perception implies a disqualification of any argument that reinforces the racial barriers in their upward career mobility processes, which contributes to conceal the political, economic and social dimension of racism in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-92
Author(s):  
Goran ZENDELOVSKI

Globalization does not have the same impact on countries, it acts differently in countries with different levels of political, economic, social and technological development. Its unequal distribution by region, country or community confirms that it is a complex and deeply asymmetric process. It is confirmed by numerous theories and debates that only explained and defined the phenomenon, but paid little attention to the complexity of globalization and measuring its extent. Empirical indicators can be used to measure the differences between the national and the international in different domains. In this way, it is possible to see to what extent the countries are globalized, i.e., to see the strong influence of globalization processes on the overall state of society. That is why a large number of countries try to use the processes of globalization to promote national interests and improve their position in international relations. Therefore, the analysis of the indexes of globalization will help us to understand with which components of national power the countries dominate on the regional and global scene. The focus of the research is on the analysis of several globalization indexes that include the countries of the Western Balkan. Namely, the degree of globalization of countries is empirically analyzed through the prism of several different indicators that are constructed to measure the overall index of globalization, as well as to measure the political, economic and social dimension of globalization. The inclusion of a larger number of variables enables a more objective and accurate ranking of countries. As the results of the globalization rating of the Western Balkan countries show, it is concluded that the processes of globalization greatly contribute to strengthening and improving cooperation between countries, intensify interdependence, affect Euro-Atlantic integration processes, stimulate economic growth and improve the situation in societies. However, according to the elaborated data, these countries are still in the phase of adjustment or “maturation”, therefore, they are in the category of partially globalized countries.


Author(s):  
Oscar Adán Castillo Oropeza ◽  
Edgar Delgado Hernández

En este artículo se analiza, desde la ecología política del sufrimiento por desechos radiactivos, el caso del Centro de Almacenamiento de Desechos Radiactivos (CADER) ubicado en el municipio de Temascalapa, estado de México, México. En un escenario de supuesta transición energética a escala global y local, las relaciones de poder político-económicas determinan la producción y disposición final de los desechos radiactivos en este lugar. Se analizan las experiencias de sufrimiento ambiental de los sujetos que habitan cerca del CADER, los cuales padecen la incertidumbre, la espera, el engaño y el abandono por parte del Estado, así como las acciones políticas que han realizado en defensa de su territorio y de la vida en general. El trabajo de campo en las comunidades contiguas al CADER tuvo una duración de cuatro meses. Se realizaron observaciones de campo, fotografías, entrevistas semiestructuradas a informantes clave, análisis de documentos y datos oficiales, notas de periódico y sistemas de información geográfica.   Abstract This article analyzes, from the point of view of the political ecology of suffering from radioactive waste, the case of the Radioactive Waste Storage Center (CADER) located in the municipality of Temascalapa, State of Mexico, Mexico. In a scenario of supposed energy transition at a global and local level, the political-economic power relations determine the production and final disposal of radioactive waste in this place. The experiences of environmental suffering of the subjects who live near the CADER, who suffer from uncertainty, waiting, deception and abandonment by the State are analyzed, as well as the political actions they have taken to defend their territory and life in general. The fieldwork in the communities adjacent to CADER, with a duration of 4 months, included observations, photographs, semi-structured interviews with key informants, analysis of official documents and data, newspaper notes, and geographic information systems.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
E Swyngedouw

In this paper, I seek to explore how the circulation of water is embedded in the political ecology of power, through which the urbanization process unfolds. I attempt to reconstruct the urbanization process as simultaneously a political-economic and ecological process. This will be discussed through the exploration of the history of the urbanization of water in Guayaquil, Ecuador. As approximately 36% of its two million inhabitants has no access to piped potable water, water becomes subject to an intense social struggle for control and/or access. Mechanisms of exclusion from and access to water, particularly in cities which have a problematic water-supply condition, lay bare how both the transformation of nature and the urbanization process are organized in and through mechanisms of social power. In order to unravel the relations of power that are inscribed in the way the urbanization of nature unfolded I document and analyze the historical geography of water control in the context of the political ecology of Guayaquil's urbanization. In short, Guayaquil's urbanization process is written from the perspective of the drive to urbanize and domesticate nature's water and the parallel necessity to push the ecological frontier outward as the city expands. I show how this political ecology of urbanization takes place through deeply exclusive and marginalizing processes that structure relations of access to and exclusion from access to nature's water.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Hughes ◽  
Megnaa Mehtta ◽  
Chiara Bresciani ◽  
Stuart Strange

Ugly emotions like envy and greed tend to emerge ethnographically through accusations (as opposed to self-attribution), de-centring the individual psyche and drawing attention to how emotions are deployed in broader projects of moral policing. Tracking the moral, social dimension of emotions through accusations helps to account concretely for the political, economic and ideological factors that shape people’s ethical worldviews – their defences, judgements and anxieties. Developing an anthropological understanding of these politics of accusation leads us to connect classical anthropological themes of witchcraft, scapegoating, and inter- and intra-communal conflict with ethnographic interventions into contemporary debates around speculative bubbles, inequality, migration, climate change and gender. We argue that a focus on the politics of accusation that surrounds envy and greed has the potential to allow for a more analytically subtle and grounded understanding of both ethics and emotions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Gonzalez

In this article, I use Albert Hirschman's consumer-based 'exit' and 'voice' concepts in order to set out the political ecology of voice (PEV), an innovative theoretical framework that aims to examine the causes of environmental pollution from a new angle. I begin by providing a brief overview of political ecology, and why it provides such a useful framework from which to position Hirschman's ideas of exit and voice. This will lead into a more detailed analysis of Hirschman's theories in an environmental context, and why the use of voice by various stakeholders (citizens, community based organizations (CBOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)) is dependent upon a number of political, economic, social and geographical factors over a specific temporal period. The study of voice through PEV will enable researchers to examine the accountability of economic actors for incidents of environmental pollution.Keywords: Albert Hirschman, political ecology of voice


Hydropolitics ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christine Folch

This chapter gives a background on politics via water. It talks about Hydropolitics, the political economy that comes from an industrialization and electrification powered by water. It uncovers how it comes to matter to politics within Paraguay that the electricity that powers homes and factories comes from hydro, not fossil fuels. To untangle how energy can be simultaneously technological and sociopolitical, this chapter explains that people's relationship to the environment is a form of cultural production, which, in turn, inflects political, economic, and social structures. Understanding the dam requires the dual intervention of political ecology, which analyzes both how human interventions shape environment and how the shaping of nature in turn affects human communities. Itaipú has presented the Brazilian and Paraguayan governments the ability to achieve multiple political goals and has had far-reaching cascade effects. What Itaipú Dam has done is to turn the Paraná River under its influence into a political-electrical machine, an engineered complex of geological objects, atmospheric cycles, and cement intrusions.


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


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