scholarly journals The Utilization of Business-Track Diplomacy: The Hyundai Group's Mt. Kumgang Tourism under the Kim Dae-Jung Government

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Jeong-Yong Kim

This article presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilization of economic engagement strategy as security policy. The model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options that go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations. As a case study, the article investigates Hyundai Group's Mountain Kumgang tourism with North Korea. In this case study, it demonstrates that not only the Kim Dae-Jung government's strong policy-making will of business-track diplomacy towards North Korea but also the Hyundai Group's business will and vulnerability of the North Korean economy played important roles in realizing the tour project and thus, enhanced inter-Korean economic cooperation.

Author(s):  
Ruth McGinity

This chapter reports on data and analysis to theorise the role that both corporate and political elites played in the development and enactment of localised policy-making at Kingswood Academy; a secondary school in the North of England. The analysis offered reveals how a single case-study school provides an important site to explore the ways in which the educational policy environment provides the conditions for elites to play a significant role in the development and delivery of localised policy processes in England. Bourdieu (1986; 1992) provides the thinking tools to undertake this theoretical and intellectual work, and I deploy his conceptualisation of misrecognition as a means of interrogating how the involvement of corporate and political elites in the processes of localised policy-making reproduces the hierarchised power of particular networks, which ultimately contribute to the privatisation of educational ‘goods’ as marketised commodities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maaike Okano-Heijmans

AbstractThe importance of economic issues, in a comprehensive multilateral and bilateral context, has been receiving increased attention in writings about the Korean Peninsula lately. This article adds to this debate by analysing Japan's relations with North Korea from an economic diplomacy perspective. The concept of 'negative economic diplomacy' is introduced to understand actions of the Japanese government, which had tried economic engagement in various ways until the early 1990s, but hardened its stance thereafter. Tokyo seems to have come to the conclusion that North Korean rulers are more willing to preserve the status quo than some wish to believe and, consequently, started to use the North Korean threat to justify Japan's controversial military enhancement in a context of uncertainty about the United States' commitment and an increasingly stronger China. is strategy was practised through a negative approach to economic diplomacy of withholding economic benefits—in policy fields ranging from the abductees and normalisation of diplomatic relations, to trade relations, sanctions and the six-way process. Japan's policy was most outspoken from late 2002 until at least mid-2007.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-54
Author(s):  
Marzena Czernicka

Security issues have always been one of the main points of interest of all states. Scientifically, this issue can be researched using a wide range of perspectives. Security studies use much from the general theory of international relations. The field uses theoretical paradigms and concrete methods of research. In this article, a wide approach to the issue of security and security policy is presented. In accordance with the theoretical-methodological foundation of realist and liberal theories, this article inquires in what way research concerning the issues of security and security policy of contemporary states can be conducted.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reut Itzkovitch-Malka ◽  
Chen Friedberg

The study focuses on the links between gender and national security in the legislative arena in Israel, considering whether men and women legislators prioritize security differently, alongside other thematic policy areas. The centrality of national security issues in Israeli politics makes it a good case study for these questions, as it enhances existing gendered stereotypes. The article examines two competing hypotheses. The first suggests that Israeli female legislators will mostly refrain from addressing national security policy issues, focusing instead on softer policy issues, such as gender equality, education, health, and welfare. The second suggests the opposite, claiming that women legislators in Israel will align themselves with their male counterparts’ set of priorities, focusing heavily on issues related to national security. The study finds support mostly for the former: Israeli female legislators are especially active in policy areas relating to women’s issues and children/family and are less active in regard to national security, a policy area heavily dominated by male legislators.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Seok-Hyang Kim

For more than a half century, the international community largely ignored North Korea. Since 1990, however, the situation has changed dramatically and North Korea has begun to attract increasing international attention. Throughout the 1990s, scenarios of a North Korean collapse were in vogue. Yet, these estimations were proved to be wrong. It is now widely accepted that North Korea is relatively stable in the sense that it seems to have little trouble keeping its political system intact and functioning. By now, the most striking aspect of the North Korean political system is its extraordinary resilience. Why then has the North not yet collapsed, despite the chronic shortages of food, energy, and foreign currency? In this paper, I would like to raise two main questions. The first question is: “How serious are the difficulties of the North Korean economy?” And the second is: “What actions has the North Korean regime taken to resolve these difficulties and how effective those actions have been?” The North Korean regime has been striving to readjust and improve its economic strucrure since the 1970s. The regime has sought foreign capital and technology. However, the regime has been attempting to reformulate its economic structure within the strict framework of the existing political system whose survival was its paramount concern, and therefore it has failed to link the domestic economy with the world economy. What the regime has been doing is, on the one hand, to map out policy measures designed to open up its doors, while on the other hand escalating its ideological and political campaigns to prevent the people from being “contaminated” by a capiralist culture which it anticipated would develop as a result of such measures. It is no wonder that, under these conditions, all attempts at reforming met with only limited success at best. The North Korean regime, however, has negotiated with its people the expansion of its second economy, despite its reluctance to do so. In fact, the regime explicitly defined farmers' markets as remnants of “backward” capitalism which would become extinct as socialism reached a higher stage of development. It is expected that the ruling hierarchy in North Korea will be able to survive for a considerable period of time, despite the threatening economic crisis. So far in North Korea, the need to safeguard the existing political regime has been given far greater priority than the need to bring about reform. However, the North Korean regime, if it intends to survive, will be compelled to carry out full-scale reforms sooner or later.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 212-231
Author(s):  
Theofilus Jose Setiawan ◽  
Maria Sukmaniara ◽  
Jain Komboy ◽  
Darynaufal Mulyaman

The purpose of the paper is to analyze North Korea's efforts to obtain economic capital through the enrichment of nuclear weapons amid the various sanctions imposed on it. This paper uses a constructivism approach in accordance in term of give arguments regarding North Korea's struggle to gain economic capital is an all-out struggle. Since the communist regime took control of North Korea, North and South Korea have continued to conflict to this day. Supported by the Soviet Union and aided by China during the Cold War era, North Korea was still able to survive. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and China's lack initiatives from helping North Korea, the North Korean economy worsened. In this paper, we found that North Korea used its nuclear capability as a bargaining chip to get what it wanted, especially for economic reasons.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 859-881
Author(s):  
Terence Roehrig

Efforts to denuclearize North Korea continue, but it is highly doubtful whether this goal will be reached. An often-expressed fear of a nuclear-armed North Korea is that it might use this capability to coerce reunification with the South on its terms. Though its leaders often speak of the desire for reunification, North Korea will not and could not pursue a successful nuclear coercion strategy because it carries an inordinate amount of risk, even for Pyongyang, which raises serious doubts about the credibility of its nuclear threats, the possibility of success, and the likelihood of pursuing such a strategy in the first place. And even if North Korea were to succeed, its efforts to integrate the South Korean economy would be a disaster, leading to the end of the North Korean regime.


Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal

This book argues that while ‘security’ was once an anti-political ‘exception’ in liberal democracies – a black box of secret intelligence and military decision-making at the dark heart of the state – it has now become normalised in professional political life. This represents a direct challenge to critical security studies and securitisation debates and their core assumption that security is a kind of illiberal and undemocratic ‘anti-politics’. The book investigates security from the perspective of professional political practice - historically, sociologically and theoretically. Using an extended UK case study, including interviews with parliamentarians and former security ministers, it examines security politics from the early 1980s to the present day to show how its meaning and practice have changed over time. It explores the history of legislative/executive relations on security, including the reasons for parliamentary exclusion from security policy making such as executive secrecy and parliamentary deference. The book demonstrates that political activity on security has increased to such an extent that it requires a rethink of the assumed pathological relationship between ‘politics’ and ‘security’. Security has been migrating from the realm of exceptional politics to one of ‘normal politics’.


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