SHIN BUDDHISM AND GLOBALIZATION: ATTITUDES TOWARD THE POLITICAL SUBSYSTEM AND PLURALISM AT THE ORGANIZATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL LEVELS

Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazić

Abstract The author analyses changes in value orientations in Montenegro between 1989 and 2015, examining on the basis of survey data the changes in the values that regulated the economic and political subsystems. He looks first at the period immediately preceding the breakdown of state socialism, in order to identify the spread of values relevant to the regulation of an economic subsystem which may be labelled ‘redistributive statism’, and ‘authoritarian collectivism’ within the political subsystem. He then shows how far Montenegrin society was penetrated by values pertinent to the competitive capitalist order, as well as to economic and political liberalism. He examines the changes in the modes of social reproduction and demonstrates how liberal values in fact replaced the previously dominant redistributive and authoritarian-collectivist ones. Not least, the author establishes that value changes occurred on many levels rather than simply following a linear trajectory from one system to the other.


Author(s):  
Fatkhulla Habibullaevich Hikmatov ◽  

The main content of the article is currently concerned only with the problems of methodology and methodology of political forecasting: the ability to see political change adequately is one of the main conditions for the correct view of political management strategies and tactics, targeted influence on political processes. The article analyzes such issues as the strength and continuity of the "forecasting - planning - management" chain, as the most important factor in achieving current and long-term goals and objectives for the political subsystem, institutions, entities and society as a whole. It also analyzes the experience of developed countries in determining the status of forecasting efficiency analysis centers through their relations with various government agencies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Elisabete Corcetti

The instrument constituency is a component of the political subsystem dedicated to the articulation and promotion of particular types of solutions. Simons and Voss (2018) say that instrument constituencies are neglected political forces in national and transnational policymaking, advocating for more research to understand how these networks of actors emerge and their role in the political process. The aim of this work is to analyze how this type of network forms and interacts in the policy subsystem, exploring the case of the program Mulheres Mil. This is a qualitative research and it was based on the transdisciplinary proposal, which discuss with the principles of the critical discourse studies of Fairclough, combined with the model of multiple streams of Kingdon and its relation with the actors of the policy subsystem. The data used in this study were collected through: selection of the corpus of analysis; critical reading; and identification of the sections most relevant for the analysis. The corpus of analysis consisted of an interview with one of the creators of the program Mulheres Mil, and of the project Mulheres Mil in the Northeast region. It was concluded that the instrument constituencies and the groups of defense collisions refer to two distinct levels of political reality, which interact in search of different interests and objectives. In this interaction, political entrepreneurs are key elements for certain solutions to have prominence in the policy process, bridging the different networks of actors and the government.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-443
Author(s):  
Annika Newnham

AbstractThis paper uses the last few decades’ developments in the area of shared parenting to explore power within the framework of autopoietic theory. It traces how, prompted by turbulence from the political subsystem, family law has made several unsuccessful attempts to solve the perceived problem of post-separation dual-household parenting. It agrees with Luhmann and Teubner that closed autopoietic systems’ developments are limited by their normative and cognitive frameworks, and also argues that changes which have occurred in family law show that closed social systems do not function in total isolation. It considers power as ego's ability to limit alter's choices. In our functionally differentiated society, with its recent proliferation of communication, power appears more diffuse and impossible to plot into causal one-way relationships.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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