scholarly journals Political Forecasting As An Integral Part Of Optimizing Public Strategic Management

Author(s):  
Fatkhulla Habibullaevich Hikmatov ◽  

The main content of the article is currently concerned only with the problems of methodology and methodology of political forecasting: the ability to see political change adequately is one of the main conditions for the correct view of political management strategies and tactics, targeted influence on political processes. The article analyzes such issues as the strength and continuity of the "forecasting - planning - management" chain, as the most important factor in achieving current and long-term goals and objectives for the political subsystem, institutions, entities and society as a whole. It also analyzes the experience of developed countries in determining the status of forecasting efficiency analysis centers through their relations with various government agencies.

Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Furlong

This article considers the changed role of the Italian presidency and the impact and legacy of Silvio Berlusconi on this. After consideration of some of the methodological difficulties raised by these issues, the article looks at the role of the presidency up to 1992, when the presidency was interpreted in narrow terms set by the framers of the 1948 constitution and by the predominance of the party leaders of the period over the political direction of the State. The article considers how presidents from Sandro Pertini (1978–85) on, sought in different ways to expand the political role of their office. The article analyses the different ways that Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi and Giorgio Napolitano used their formal and informal powers both to maintain the status of the office and to promote political goals, and concludes with an assessment of the likely long-term impact of these changes and of Berlusconi's role in them.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jung-Eun Lee

Theoretical developments on the temporalities of social movements have been grounded in both long-term and mid-term perspectives. This focus has obscured the processes of short-term mobilizations, leaving it unclear whether the established models explain the micro-dynamics of short-term protests. Considering the important effects short-term protests have on political processes, it is crucial to analyze how they develop in interaction with their external environment every day. This article seeks to address this research lacuna by extending the current perspectives into short-term protests. It tests whether the daily fluctuations of political and cultural contexts shaped the anti-U.S. beef protests in South Korea in 2008, with a temporal span of 121 days. The findings emphasize the importance of political and discursive opportunities for protests to develop: While state repression as well as state actors' dissonant/incoherent statements spurred protests, third-party actors' dissonant/incoherent opinions in the conservative media led to a decline in protests.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter analyses politics in Northern Ireland in the context, first, of the failed attempts to implement devolution that led to its suspension, then the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, elections and the restoration of devolution in 2007. It reappraises the tortuous years in terms of the territorial strains that were still present in Northern Ireland, the resources available to the Republican/Nationalist and Unionist party leaderships in Northern Ireland as well as to the Blair government, and the political management approaches that they each pursued. It focuses on the political imperatives and constraints that determined the Northern Ireland Assembly's journey between intermittent existence and suspension, and eventually led to the unlikely agreement between the leaders of the extreme representatives of Republicanism and Unionism. The chapter is informed by the proposition that both sides in Northern Ireland still recognised their resource limitations in asserting their ideal outcomes in the short term. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Fein still pursued power-sharing devolution in the short to medium term to realise their long-term objectives of Irish unity. This was principally to be achieved through electoral success and the cultivation of the North–South institutions under strand two of the Belfast Agreement to normalise Irish governance through instrumental arguments, shared policy development and functional spillovers. Meanwhile, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), as the principal Unionist party, competitively sought to use devolution as a new framework in which to sustain an inter-governmentalist approach to governing within the UK, asserting the very different long-term aim of maintaining Northern Ireland within the Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 245-251
Author(s):  
K.N. Otebay ◽  

Organized protest actions of citizens have an increasing impact on the socio-political processes in Kazakhstan and Europe. The modern protest takes on new forms, and the opening technical opportunities are used to mobilize participants. In such conditions, the assessment of the protest potential, the identification of «points of instability» and the understanding of the possible negative public reaction to the decisions of the political elite become important tasks of modern political management. The article considers the main theoretical approaches to the study of protest behavior in foreign sociology.


1972 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin B. Weinstein

Most of the writing on foreign policy in the less developed countries stresses either the importance of idiosyncratic sources of policy or the identification of a number of relatively long-term factors which influence the formation of policy. These studies are helpful in many ways, but in one important respect they are unsatisfying. They do not give us a clear picture of how foreign policy relates to the political and economic problems that constitute the essence of being a less developed country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Vasylyna Podliesna ◽  

In the cyclical dynamics of the capitalist world system, politics and economics are closely intertwined, which is manifested in the development of political business cycles of individual countries, as well as in the development of cyclical political and economic processes in the long run on a global scale. The development of political business cycles is due to the influence of interrelated factors - competition of political forces, economic expectations and political preferences of voters. The immanent to the capitalist world-system deep internal contradictions lead to a variety of forms of long-term socio-economic cycles, including such a form as political cycles of a global nature. In the modern conditions of transition from the industrial-market system to the information-network society, the factors continue to exist and the contradictions emerge that both lead to the development of political cycles. Technical and technological transformations that contribute to the formation of information and network society, are strengthening the possibilities of ideological and propaganda activities that affect the cyclical political and economic processes. In such conditions, political cycles are becoming more and more emergent, which is largely due to the influence of social networks, computer games, and "new media" on people's political preferences and their political activity. The cyclical processes of establishing economic and political hegemony in the capitalist world system determine the dominance of the political cycles of leading countries over those of less developed countries. Improving production and dissemination technologies enhances the ability of leading countries to influence the political cycles of less developed countries, and the use of "soft power" is becoming an increasingly important tool of geopolitical struggle in the process of deployment of long-term global political cycles.


2020 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Yu.K. Volkov

The main content of the monograph by O.E. Puchnina (Sorokopudova) «Political Outlook of V.V. Rozanov» which makes up the main and largest section of the book «Russian socio-political thought in the 19th and early 20th century: V.V. Rozanov» is examined in detail. It is noted that the authors of the serial edition and above all the author-compiler of its monographic section, O.E. Puchnina, managed to bring out in a detailed study of the work of one of the most original Russian thinkers of culture in the Silver Age a whole layer of conceptually related socio-political ideas giving them the status of a political worldview. The methodological basis of the review rests on the methods of analysis and evaluation of the results of the research conducted by the author that are typical of this type of scientific criticism. The assessment of the quality and completeness of the bibliographic description of the sources used in the monograph rests on the resut of the analysis. The degree of influence of biographical themes taken from the biography of V.V. Rozanov on the character of his ideological formation is presented. The features of Rozanov's creative style and method of analysis of socio-political reality highlighted by the author of the monograph are considered and critically evaluated. The political processes and phenomena in relation to which the philosopher formulated his original political ideas are listed. The role and place of V.V. Rozanov's political outlook in the Russian historiography and the history of the Russian socio-political tradition are shown. The argument of the thesis about the typicality of Rozanov's unique creativity for the Russian consciousness in the late 19th‒ early 20th century is partially supported. It is concluded that despite the critical remarks that were expressed in the article, O.E. Puchnina's innovative experiment of an ideological reconstruction of Rozanov’s socio-political ideas should be recognized as very successful.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franziska Staudt ◽  
Rik Gijsman ◽  
Caroline Ganal ◽  
Finn Mielck ◽  
Johanna Wolbring ◽  
...  

AbstractBeach nourishments are a widely used method to mitigate erosion along sandy shorelines. In contrast to hard coastal protection structures, nourishments are considered as soft engineering, although little is known about the cumulative, long-term environmental effects of both marine sediment extraction and nourishment activities. Recent endeavours to sustain the marine ecosystem and research results on the environmental impact of sediment extraction and nourishment activities are driving the need for a comprehensive up-to-date review of beach nourishment practice, and to evaluate the physical and ecological sustainability of these activities. While existing reviews of nourishment practice have focused on the general design (motivation, techniques and methods, international overview of sites and volumes) as well as legal and financial aspects, this study reviews and compares not only nourishment practice but also the accompanying assessment and monitoring of environmental impacts in a number of developed countries around the world. For the study, we reviewed 205 openly-accessible coastal management strategies, legal texts, guidelines, EIA documents, websites, project reports, press releases and research publications about beach nourishments in several developed countries around the world (Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Spain, UK, USA and Australia). Where information was not openly available, the responsible authorities were contacted directly. The study elaborates on the differences in coastal management strategies and legislation as well as the large dissimilarities in the EIA procedure (where applicable) for both marine sediment extraction and nourishment activities. The spatial disturbance of the marine environment that is considered a significant impact, a factor which determines the need for an Environmental Impact Assessment, varies substantially between the countries covered in this study. Combined with the large uncertainties of the long-term ecological and geomorphological impacts, these results underline the need to reconsider the sustainability of nourishments as “soft” coastal protection measures.


1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346
Author(s):  
Roland H. Ebel

One of the fundamental difficulties in the study of Latin American politics by North American scholars has been the attempt to apply the political experience of the United States (and, to a lesser extent, that of the developed countries of Europe and Asia) to that region. In attempting to interpret Latin America’s political patterns and understand her political difficulties, emphasis has been placed historically on such visible features as the instability of national governments, the lack of adequate party systems, the dysfunctional role of the military, inadequate constitutions, hierarchic social structures and a variety of deficiencies in the region’s political culture. In proceeding along these lines, analysts have been working from the implicit, although I believe unconscious, assumption that the Latin American nation-state constitutes a large, geographically dispersed polity. Until recently there has been very little effort to even study the political processes of the Latin American city, much less attempt to understand national politics in light of the region’s peculiar urban culture.


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