Islam in the Public Space: Social Networks, Media and Neo-Communities

2003 ◽  
pp. 1-27
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Cristina Satiê de Oliveira Pátaro ◽  
Frank Antonio Mezzomo ◽  
Fabio Alexandro Sexugi

O artigo discute a apropriação de repartições públicas do Congresso Nacional pordeputados carismáticos desde 2015, para a realização de encontros semanais do Grupo de Oração Beata Elena Guerra. Visando a contextualizar tal rito e o próprio ethos da RCC, selecionamos, como recorte, os encontros realizados em setembro de 2017, por darem maior enfoque à defesa de um modelo tradicional de família, defendido pela Sé Apostólica. A análise das temáticas abordadas e posicionamentos estabelecidos durante os encontros sugerem que oreferido Grupo de Oração – que é também transmitido ao vivo pelas redes sociais – constitui-se não apenas como um rito de louvor e evangelização católica no espaço público, mas possibilita igualmente uma publicização dos deputados e demais atores envolvidos e das pautas que transitam noCongresso Nacional, além de se confgurar como espaço de estratégias e alianças políticas que envolvem até mesmo os agentes de outras denominações religiosas, como os evangélicos. Palavras-chave: Religião. Renovação Carismática Católica. Espaço público.“HERE AGAIN IN UNION”: THE BEATA ELENA GUERRA PRAYER GROUP AND THE CHARISMATIC MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CONGRESSAbstractThe paper aims at discussing the appropriation of public offices of the National Congress by charismatic deputies since 2015, to hold weekly meetings of the Beata Elena Guerra Prayer Group. By aiming at contextualizing this rite and the ethos of the CCR itself, we selected, as a cutout, the meetings held in September 2017, that give greater focus to the defense of a traditional model of the family, defended by the Apostolic See. The analysis of the themes and positions established during the meetings suggests that the Prayer Group – whichis also live transmitted by social networks – is not only a rite of Catholic praise and evangelization in the public space. It also reinforces the publicity of the deputies and other actors involved as the guidelines that pass in the National Congress, besides of being configured as a space for strategies and political alliances that even involve agents of other religious denominations, such as evangelicals.Keywords: Religion. Catholic Charismatic Renovation. Public space.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (s2) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Isabel Babo ◽  
Célia Taborda Silva

Abstract In Portugal, in 2012, the movement “To hell with troika! We want our lives!” emerged from digital social networks and with demonstration on the street on September 15. This social movement has patented new forms of public mobilization and protest motivated by citizens' dissatisfaction with the austerity measures of the Portuguese government, but it is part of the line of protest that has been taking place at the international level. Social networks were used to trigger mobilization, but the protest did not dispense with the traditional forms of expression in the public space, such as gatherings in the squares, rallies, marches and posters. Using a corpus taken from the written press, the event was analyzed using a theoretical and conceptual framework of theories of public space, social movements, and social networks. In this article we intend to reflect on the current protest movements, social networks and collective action, at a time when activism is exercised in electronic connections and in the street. Through this movement we aim to question whether we are facing new configurations of mobilization, visibility, public action and the creation of a common space, and / or if we are facing a continuity of the traditional social movement with the incorporation of new "repertoires of action".


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Néstor García Canclini

Abstract Ever since the expansion of video-politics, television canalises citizens' criticism and demands regarding political authorities, conceiving of citizens as spectators. Social networks magnify this type of involvement, promising horizontality and social cohesion. Political parties have become reduced to elites that distribute power and benefits among themselves, disengaging from voters, except during electoral periods. Our opinions and behaviours are captured by algorithms and subject to globalised forces. The public space where citizenship should be exercised is becoming opaque and distant. Citizenship is radically diminishing while some social movements are reinventing themselves and winning sectorial battles: for human rights, for gender equality, against authoritarianism. Yet the neoliberal approach to technology maintains and deepens greater inequalities. What are the alternatives to this dispossession? Hackers and dissenters? What is the role of the vote in a State-society relationship reprogrammed by technologies and the market?


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (56) ◽  
Author(s):  
Inês Barbosa

Enquadrado numa sociologia visual e andante, este ensaio apresenta e discute uma seleção de fotografias de protesto pelo direito à habitação, capturadas nas paredes do Porto, Portugal, nos últimos dois anos. As imagens dão conta das tensões e contradições associadas aos processos de gentrificação e turistificação. Desse conjunto, salienta-se a diversidade de agentes, linguagens, destinatários ou estratégias discursivas, bem como o potencial de disseminação que estas mensagens possuem, ao serem transpostas para outros contextos, como as mobilizações coletivas ou as redes sociais. Destaca-se ainda o seu carácter duplo de inscrição no espaço público: são memória de reivindicações passadas e incentivo para lutas futuras. Sendo aparentemente silenciosas, estas contra-visualidades produzem ruído, modificando a paisagem urbana e provocando transformações sociais e políticas.Palavras-chave: fotografia, protesto, gentrificação Framed in a visual and walking sociology, this essay presents and discusses a selection of photographs of protest for the right to housing, captured on the walls of Porto, Portugal, in the last two years. The images show the tensions and contradictions associated with the processes of gentrification and tourism. Of this set, we highlight the diversity of agents, languages, recipients or discursive strategies, as well as the potential for dissemination that these messages have, when transposed to other contexts, such as collective mobilizations or social networks. The double character of registration in the public space is also noteworthy: they are a memory of past claims and an incentive for future struggles. Being apparently silent, these counter-visualities produce noise, changing the urban landscape and driving social and political transformations.Keywords: photography, protest, gentrification


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Maëlle Bazin

Any visitor who walked the streets of Paris in the days or weeks following the attacks of January 2015 would definitely have witnessed a particular form of graphic irruption: the dissemination of messages of solidarity and mourning, and the repetition, within this mass of writing, of the formula ‘I am Charlie’. Although the situation was different, the responses to terrorist attacks in January 2015 and the 9/11 aftermath are comparable by the ‘writing event’ (Fraenkel, 2002, 2018) they produced: temporary and atypical dispositifs of writing turned to the public space in order to be read or at least seen by passers-by. This article, structured along chronological lines, traces the evolution of the viral formula over the long term from Twitter to the urban public space. Firstly, the author focuses on the origin and meanings of the statement and formulates several hypotheses that may explain its wide circulation on social networks. Secondly, she analyses the post-attack graffiti based on databases of several private graffiti-cleaning companies in order to highlight the temporary sacralization of illegal writings. The ‘ Je suis Charlie’ phenomenon is interesting in many ways: its staggering, massive diffusion; the apparent unanimity with which it was greeted in the world of politics and the media; and the way it was managed by local authorities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR STEGNII

The paper analyses specific features of sociological data circulation in a public space during an election campaign. The basic components of this kind of space with regard to sociological research are political actors (who put themselves up for the election), voters and agents. The latter refer to professional groups whose corporate interests are directly related to the impact on the election process. Sociologists can also be seen as agents of the electoral process when experts in the field of electoral sociology are becoming intermingled with manipulators without a proper professional background and publications in this field. In a public space where an electoral race is unfolding, empirical sociological research becomes the main form of obtaining sociological knowledge, and it is primarily conducted to measure approval ratings. Electoral research serves as an example of combining the theoretical and empirical components of sociological knowledge, as well as its professional and public dimensions. Provided that sociologists meet all the professional requirements, electoral research can be used as a good tool for evaluating the trustworthiness of results reflecting the people’s expression of will. Being producers of sociological knowledge, sociologists act in two different capacities during an election campaign: as analysts and as pollsters. Therefore, it is essential that the duties and areas of responsibility for professional sociologists should be separated from those of pollsters. Another thing that needs to be noted is the negative influence that political strategists exert on the trustworthiness of survey findings which are going to be released to the public. Using the case of approval ratings as an illustration, the author analyses the most common techniques aimed at misrepresenting and distorting sociological data in the public space. Particular attention is given to the markers that can detect bogus polling companies, systemic violations during the research process and data falsification.


Author(s):  
Natalia Kostenko

The subject matter of research interest here is the movement of sociological reflection concerning the interplay of public and private realms in social, political and individual life. The focus is on the boundary constructs embodying publicity, which are, first of all, classical models of the space of appearance for free citizens of the polis (H. Arendt) and the public sphere organised by communicative rationality (Ju. Habermas). Alternative patterns are present in modern ideas pertaining to the significance of biological component in public space in the context of biopolitics (M. Foucault), “inclusive exclusion of bare life” (G. Agamben), as well as performativity of corporeal and linguistic experience related to the right to participate in civil acts such as popular assembly (J. Butler), where the established distinctions between the public and the private are levelled, and the interrelationship of these two realms becomes reconfigured. Once the new media have come into play, both the structure and nature of the public sphere becomes modified. What assumes a decisive role is people’s physical interaction with online communication gadgets, which instantly connect information networks along various trajectories. However, the rapid development of information technology produces particular risks related to the control of communications industry, leaving both public and private realms unprotected and deforming them. This also urges us to rethink the issue of congruence of the two ideas such as transparency of societies and security.


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