scholarly journals Nowy bard. Twórczość i działania Tomáša Hnídka w dyskursie czeskiej skrajnej prawicy

Adeptus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Witkowska

A New Singer-Songwriter: The Songs and Activity of Tomáš Hnídek in Czech Extreme Right-Wing DiscourseThis article aims to present the songs and activity of Tomáš Hnídek and their reception among extreme right-wing sympathisers in the Czech Republic over the last decade. The study analyses the use of selected elements of collective imagery related to the singer-songwriter convention, with particular reference to the figure of Karel Kryl. It also draws attention to persuasive techniques of creating an image and to their influence on the reception of the singer-songwriter genre in the context of hate speech and struggle over a new politics of memory in the Czech Republic, pursued by extreme right-wing politicians and their followers. Nowy bard. Twórczość i działania Tomáša Hnídka w dyskursie czeskiej skrajnej prawicyZadaniem artykułu jest przybliżenie twórczości i działań Tomáša Hnídka oraz ich recepcji wśród zwolenników skrajnej prawicy w minionej dekadzie w Czechach. W artykule podjęto analizę zjawiska eksploatacji wybranych wyobrażeń zbiorowych łączonych z nurtem bardowskim ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odwołań do postaci Karela Kryla. Zwrócono szczególną uwagę na występujące zabiegi z obszaru kreacji i autokreacji o niezwykle perswazyjnym potencjale oraz ich wpływ na kształtowanie się dalszej recepcji twórczości bardowskiej w kontekście mowy nienawiści oraz walki o nową politykę pamięci w Czechach, podejmowanej przez polityków skrajnej prawicy i ich sympatyków.

Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.


Author(s):  
Aliaksei Kazharski ◽  
Andrey Makarychev

The article analyzes historical monuments as instruments of Russia’s attempts to impose its aesthetic hegemony in the post-Communist world. Drawing on case studies from the Czech Republic and Estonia, it argues that this hegemony is precarious and vulnerable due to inability to deal with the inherent ambiguity and complexity of historical events and figures. The Russian approach regards historical truth in absolute terms and is underpinned by a zero-sum game understanding of historical narratives. It does not tolerate a multiplicity of perspectives on history and has no appreciation for postmodernist deconstruction of historical symbols. This conflicts with a more diverse, reflexive and inclusive politics of memory as an intrinsic element of cityscapes of Prague and Tallinn where some of the controversial monuments connected with the Soviet occupation have been removed. Russia’s reaction to these changes reveals an inherently vulnerable nature of its aesthetic hegemony which is deeply dependent on recognition of the absolute nature of its historical truth that the monuments are supposed to embody.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4(61)) ◽  
pp. 111-130
Author(s):  
Nicole Horáková

Neo-nationalistic movements, extreme right-wing organisations, and right‑wing parties are booming not only in Europe; they can be found in nearly all western societies, and, in some countries, they form an inherent part of the political system and participate in government, playing an active role in civil society, organising demonstrations and festivals and publicly providing information about their ideas. In doing so they are gaining influence not only on the political scene, but their topics also affect the opinions and debates of the general public. Neo-nationalistic right-wing movements are common in, for example, Germany and France, and especially in the Central European countries of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. They consider themselves to be ‘patriots’, whose aim is to ‘protect’ their own national culture and nation as such from foreign life forms and religions. This kind of ‘protection’ refers mainly to cultural, ethnic and religious issues. In my contribution, I deal with two neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic and analyse how they present themselves on social media (Facebook). The main focus of my research are Internet memes, through which I want to show how the organisations fight against multiculturalism and open society. The present contribution is divided into three parts: first I provide a brief historical overview of the development of right-wing extremism in the Czech lands, the second part deals with the current situation regarding neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic, and the last presents my research on Internet memes and attempts at categorising them, aiming not only to show the different types of memes but also to discover the strategies, argumentation and ideas of neonationalistic movements.


1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Matějů ◽  
Klára Vlachová

This article is an attempt to identify the role of politically relevant values and attitudes in voting behaviour in the Czech Republic. In view of the results of earlier analyses, which show there has been a process of intense crystallization of left–right political axis of the Czech political spectrum, this paper aims to demonstrate the specific roles of declared and value-based left–right political orientations, the effects of external and internal political efficacy, the feelings of anomie, and the required role of state. The analysis of data from the ISSP survey carried out at the end of 1996 shows that a person's declared position on the left–right axis of political orientation has far stronger influence on voting behaviour than does his or her position on the left–right scale based on socio-economic values traditionally underlying left–right political orientations. This difference indicates, among other things, that in the Czech Republic the declared right-wing political orientations so far acted as barrier to voting for left-wing political parties, for which people would likely vote if they voted according to their value-based left-wing orientations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-70
Author(s):  
František Bartoš

Abstract The article informs of the results of research for the Ministry of Interior of the Czech Republic. Its main aim was to state the measure of risk of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic and to define the most endangered groups. One of the phases of the project was a questionnaire research (n = 2056, population older than 15 years, probability selection). Through personal interviews has been found that in the Czech Republic there are 2.5 % of inhabitants who share ultra-right ideas and they are willing to support the parties offering a radical solution only with their votes. People sharing ideas characteristic of right-wing extremism and at the same time willing to actively support a party offering a radical solution represent 6 %. From the research then results that the main risk from the viewpoint of the fight against right-wing extremism is represented by the second mentioned group. Both high-risk groups show the highest measure of social distance to the Jews, black people and the Ukrainians, but also to homosexuals. The high-risk group is statistically significantly more distant to the Romas as well. The Romas represent the group that the studied high-risk groups perceive with the biggest antagonism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document