scholarly journals Fałszywy znak równości

2012 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Efraim Zuroff
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Main Mass ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Mass Murders

The equivalency canardEfraim Zuroff's text, originally published in Haaretz magazine, is a review of Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands. Snyder distinguishes six main mass murders commited by Nazi Germany and Soviet Union during the period of the Third Reich's existence. In Zuroff's opinion there are some significant differences between these tragedies. Dubious comparisons proposed by Snyder made the Holocaust most affected. Describing the Shoah as one of the six equally horryfying mass murders, the author ignores its ideological roots. Roots that sentenced to death all Jews  - regardless of their political views, religious practicies or the level of identification with Jewish community. Moreover Snyder takes no notice of the georaphical scope of the Holocaust. He also does not notice the fact, that the Nazis effectively managed to make so many Europeans their accomplices, who actively supported the Shoah. Fałszywy znak równościTekst Efraima Zuroffa, który pierwotnie ukazał się w piśmie Haaretz, to recenzja książki Skrwawione ziemie Timothy Snydera. Snyder wyróżnia sześć głównych masowych mordów popełnionych przez Niemcy i Związek Radziecki w okresie, który odpowiada istnieniu Trzeciej Rzeszy. Istnieją jednak, zdaniem Zuroffa, znaczące różnice między tymi tragediami. Na wątpliwych porównaniach, które proponuje Snyder, najbardziej „ucierpiał” Holokaust. Opisując Shoah jako jeden z sześciu równie straszliwych, masowych mordów, autor pomija jego ideologiczne korzenie, które sprawiały, że na śmierć skazany był każdy bez wyjątku Żyd, niezależnie od jego poglądów politycznych, praktyk religijnych czy stopnia identyfikacji z żydowską wspólnotą. Ponadto Snyder ignoruje ogromny zasięg geograficzny Holokaustu. Nie zauważa także skuteczności, z jaką naziści potrafili uczynić swoimi wspólnikami tak wielu Europejczyków, którzy w konsekwencji aktywnie wspomagali Shoah.

Estonia

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-132
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Best Practices ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Soviet Union

The independent Republic of Estonia was attacked and formally annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940. It was subsequently invaded and occupied by Nazi Germany in 1941 until Soviet troops re-entered the country in 1944. At the end of the war, virtually every member of Estonia’s small prewar Jewish community had been murdered, deported, or had fled the country. Estonia’s independence was restored in 1991, and post-Communist Estonia passed restitution laws that applied generally to private and communal immovable property confiscated during the Communist era. Estonia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.

From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews

2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Solonari
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
June July

The Holocaust was one of the major experiences of the populations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, of those European countries that were either part of the Axis or occupied by Nazi Germany. This was certainly the case for the inhabitants of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transnistria. These regions remained under Romanian administration from June/July 1941 to spring/summer 1944. The Soviets had seized Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania in June 1940 under the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These territories were then reoccupied (“liberated”) by the Romanian and German armies after the German attack against the Soviet Union in June 1941. From 1941 to 1944 they were Romanian provinces ruled by separate highly centralized administrations. Transnistria (meaning literally “territory across the Dniester” in Romanian), which lies between the Dniester and Bug rivers, though never formally incorporated into Romania, was ruled by the Romanians during this period under the agreement with Hitler. Romanian authorities deported practically all Jews from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to Transnistria, accusing them of both treason and collaboration with the Soviets in 1940–1941 during the Soviet occupation and hostility towards the Romanian state in general. Some Roma, together with other “hostile elements” from other Romanian provinces, were also deported to Transnistria.

scholarly journals A Renaissance of Jewish Studies in Contemporary Germany

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
Christina Von Braun
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
Historical Review ◽  
Jewish Studies ◽  
Reform Judaism ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference ◽  
German Jewish

This paper provides an overview of the development of Jewish studies in Germany since reunification. After a brief historical review of the subject in the nineteenth century with the development of modern Reform Judaism and the science of Judaism (Wissenschaft des Judentums) created by Jewish religious and secular scholars, it focuses on the development of the past thirty years, in which not only the Jewish community but also Jewish studies have increased in importance. The growth of the Jewish community was largely due to immigration from the Soviet Union, but also partly to young Israelis who moved to Berlin. In line with these different backgrounds, a new interest in diaspora research emerged. The paper also deals with the difference between German Jewish studies (necessarily shaped by the Holocaust) and those of most other countries, where Jewish studies are mainly designed by Jewish scholars.

Multiple Restorations: German Political Traditions and the Interpretation of Nazism, 1945–1946

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Herf
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
German History ◽  
The Third ◽  
New Beginning ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
Western Germany ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
New Beginnings

In the longer continuity of German history, the year 1945 will always, in part, represent the “Stunde Null” (zero hour), of catastrophic military defeat and complete moral disgrace and bankruptcy following Nazism and the Holocaust.1 The term “Stunde Null” evokes the need for a new beginning, a moral and political break with disastrous and ultimately criminal national traditions. Yet, because the Third Reich lasted only twelve years, and because there were non- and anti-Nazi traditions and leaders that survived in inner and external emigration, the postwar rejection of Nazism took the form of multiple restorations of these still extant German political traditions. In the first postwar years, the turn away from Nazism in both Germanies, as well as the break with totalitarian dictatorship in general in Western Germany, was taken by political leaders who had been active in Weimar politics and who returned to take center stage in German politics after 1945.2 To be sure, they were all deeply affected in their lives and thinking by the Third Reich. But what changes it did bring about in their political views amounted to rearrangements and different emphases of long-held convictions rather than to wholly new beginnings.

“For the Eradication of Polish and Jewish-Muscovite Rule in Ukraine”: An Examination of the Crimes of the Ukrainian Legion of Self-Defense

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-477
Author(s):  
Yuri Radchenko ◽  
Andrii Usach
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Close Analysis ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Upper Level ◽  
Mass Murders

Abstract This study examines the German-sponsored Ukrainian Legion of Self-Defense (Ukrains’kyi Legion Samooborony, ULS), both its rank and file and its Ukrainian and German officers. Drawing upon sources in German, Ukrainian, American, and Israeli archives, the authors analyze the Legion’s command structure, its relationship to the Third Reich, and its relationship to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists branch led by Andriy Atansovich Mel’nyk. The presentation of the political and military careers of lower-, mid-, and upper-level Legionnaires reveals their participation in killings of Jews, Poles, and other Ukrainians. The authors also identify the motivations of many of the actors. A close analysis of one case of German and Ukrainian “cooperation” in the Holocaust and other mass murders, this article relates to the debate over whether Holocaust perpetrators were “Ordinary Men.”

Jewish Responses to Fascism and Antisemitism in Edinburgh, 1933–1945

2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Gilfillan
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Defensive Strategies ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
Diverse Origin

Despite the weaknesses of domestic fascist movements, in the context of the rise of Nazi Germany and the presence of antisemitic propaganda of diverse origin Edinburgh's Jewish leaders took the threat seriously. Their response to the fascist threat was influenced by the fact that Edinburgh's Jewish community was a small, integrated, and middle-class population, without links to leftist groups or trade unions. The Edinburgh community closely followed the approach of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in relation to the development of fascism in Britain, the most significant aspect of which was a counter-propaganda initiative. Another important aspect of the response in Edinburgh was the deliberate cultivation of closer ties to the Christian churches and other elite spheres of Scottish society. Despite some unique elements, none of the responses of Edinburgh Jewry, or indeed the Board of Deputies, were particularly novel, and all borrowed heavily from established traditions of post-emancipation Jewish defensive strategies.

Displace of Documentary Heritage from the Soviet Union to Poland during the Third Decade of the XXth Century

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 127-137
Author(s):  
Tatsiana Hiarnovich
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Agreements ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Actual Process ◽  
Xxth Century ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
Selection Of

The paper explores the displace of Polish archives from the Soviet Union that was performed in 1920s according to the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921 and other international agreements. The aim of the research is to reconstruct the process of displace, based on the archival sources and literature. The object of the research is those documents that were preserved in the archives of Belarus and together with archives from other republics were displaced to Poland. The exploration leads to clarification of the selection of document fonds to be displaced, the actual process of movement and the explanation of the role that the archivists of Belarus performed in the history of cultural relationships between Poland and the Soviet Union. The articles of the Treaty of Riga had been formulated without taking into account the indivisibility of archive fonds that is one of the most important principles of restitution, which caused the failure of the treaty by the Soviet part.

G. Lukács, “Techeniye” and Stalinism

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev
Keyword(s):  
Literary Criticism ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Over Time

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.

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