The Electoral Consequences of Offshoring: How the Globalization of Production Shapes Party Preferences

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 621-658 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tobias Rommel ◽  
Stefanie Walter
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Economic Openness ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Individual Preferences ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Voting Decisions

How does offshoring affect individual party preferences in multiparty systems? We argue that exposure to offshoring influences individual preferences for those political parties with clear policy positions on issues relevant for individuals with offshorable jobs (left, liberal, and center-right parties) but does not affect voting decisions for parties concentrating on other issues (green or populist right parties). Examining individual-level data from five waves of the European Social Survey for 18 advanced democracies, we find that these effects vary by skill level and exposure. Offshoring increases preferences for liberal and center-right parties that advocate economic openness among the highly skilled. In contrast, low-skilled individuals exposed to offshoring are more likely to prefer leftist political parties that champion social protection and redistribution. Offshoring does not affect the propensity to vote for green and populist right parties.

scholarly journals When economic and cultural interests align: the anti-immigration voter coalitions driving far right party success in Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphne Halikiopoulou ◽  
Tim Vlandas
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Strong Positive Correlation ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Positive Correlation ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article contests the view that the strong positive correlation between anti-immigration attitudes and far right party success necessarily constitutes evidence in support of the cultural grievance thesis. We argue that the success of far right parties depends on their ability to mobilize a coalition of interests between their core supporters, that is voters with cultural grievances over immigration and the often larger group of voters with economic grievances over immigration. Using individual level data from eight rounds of the European Social Survey, our empirical analysis shows that while cultural concerns over immigration are a stronger predictor of far right party support, those who are concerned with the impact of immigration on the economy are important to the far right in numerical terms. Taken together, our findings suggest that economic grievances over immigration remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage.

scholarly journals The far-right, immigrants, and the prospects of democracy satisfaction in Europe

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 507-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aida Just
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
First Generation Immigrants ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data

This paper examines the consequences of the far-right in shaping foreign-born immigrants’ satisfaction with the way democracy works in their host country. It posits that while electorally successful far-right parties undermine democracy satisfaction, the magnitude of this effect is not uniform across all first-generation immigrants. Instead, it depends on newcomers’ citizenship status in their adopted homeland. The analyses using individual-level data collected as part of the five-round European Social Survey (ESS) 2002–2012 in 16 West European democracies reveal that the electoral strength of far-right parties in a form of vote and seat shares won in national elections is indeed powerfully linked to democracy satisfaction among foreign-born individuals. However, this relationship is limited to foreign-born non-citizens, as we have no evidence that far-right parties influence democracy attitudes among foreign-born individuals who have acquired citizenship in their adopted homeland.

scholarly journals Models of Other-Regarding Preferences, Inequality, and Redistribution

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 441-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Dimick ◽  
David Rueda ◽  
Daniel Stegmueller
Keyword(s):  
European Social Survey ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
European Data ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Western European ◽  
Other Regarding ◽  
Other Regarding Preferences

Despite the increasing popularity of comparative work on other-regarding preferences, the implications of different models of altruism are not always fully understood. This article analyzes different theoretical approaches to altruism and explores what empirical conclusions we should draw from them, paying particular attention to models of redistribution preferences where inequality explicitly triggers other-regarding motives for redistribution. While the main contribution of this article is to clarify the conclusions of these models, we also illustrate the importance of their distinct implications by analyzing Western European data to compare among them. We draw on individual-level data from the European Social Survey fielded between September 2002 and December 2013.

scholarly journals Political Regimes and Immigrant Party Preferences

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 651-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aida Just
Keyword(s):  
Party Identification ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Established Democracies

This article examines how political regimes in migrants’ origin countries influence their party identification in adopted homeland. I posit that immigrants are more likely to acquire partisanship in their host country if they came from a nonparty autocracy as opposed to a party-based autocracy or democracy. Moreover, among partisans, immigrants are less likely to identify with a left-wing party if they came from a communist regime. Finally, these effects are particularly pronounced among foreign-born individuals from highly authoritarian regimes. The analyses using Geddes, Wright, and Frantz Autocratic Regimes data along with individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002-2017 in 19 established democracies confirm these expectations. These findings have important implications for debates on immigrant political integration, party politics, and the prospects of electoral stability in contemporary democracies.

scholarly journals The “losers of automation”: A reservoir of votes for the radical right?

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801882239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhen Jie Im ◽  
Nonna Mayer ◽  
Bruno Palier ◽  
Jan Rovny
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Market Risks ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Radical Right Parties

This paper studies the association between the risk of automation and vote choice in 11 West European countries. We extend upon labour economics literature on the effects of automation on the labour market by focusing on the political consequences of automation. We also build on existing work relating labour market risks to support for radical right parties. We argue that automation threat is most likely to increase support for radical right parties. We demonstrate that those more inclined to vote for the radical right rather than the average voters are those who are both threatened by automation and are still “just about managing” economically. They are more receptive to the narrative of the radical right, which simultaneously highlights the risk, and proposes protection. Using cross-sectional individual level data drawn from the European Social Survey (rounds 6, 7 and 8), we find that individuals who perceive themselves as “coping on present income” are significantly more likely to vote for radical right parties as risk of automation increases. They are also less likely to vote for major right parties.

scholarly journals The glories of immigration: How soccer wins shape opinion on immigration

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ignacio Lago ◽  
Carlos Lago-Peñas
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Anecdotal Evidence ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Attitudes Toward Immigrants ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Professional Soccer ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Impact

Abstract While there is a great deal of anecdotal evidence on the impact of soccer wins on attitudes toward immigrants and immigration, there is relatively little hard empirical evidence. It is expected that soccer stimulates more positive attitudes towards immigrants when it highlights immigration benefits rather than costs and increases exposure to famous members of an out-group. Individual-level data from the eight rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–16) in Spain and aggregate data from the Spanish professional soccer league, La Liga, were used to test the hypothesis that the more foreign players in the team of the club winning the corresponding season of Spain’s La Liga, the more favourable the views of immigrants in the club’s region in that year. The empirical evidence from linear and ordinal regression using different measures of opinions on immigration shows that soccer can affect attitudes toward immigrants and immigration.

Explaining Attitudes Toward Refugees and Immigrants in Europe

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172095021
Author(s):  
Lamis Abdelaaty ◽  
Liza G Steele
Keyword(s):  
European Social Survey ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Attitudes Toward Immigrants ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Micro Level

While there is a large literature on attitudes toward immigrants, scholars have not systematically examined the determinants of attitudes toward refugees. Often, refugees are simply treated as a subset of immigrants, under the assumption that attitudes toward both sets of foreigners are similar. In this article, we examine whether there are distinctions between attitudes toward refugees and immigrants, as well as variation in their determinants. We address these questions using individual-level data from 16 countries in the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey. We demonstrate that these two groups of foreigners are, indeed, viewed as distinct and that differences emerge because attitudes toward refugees are more often related to macro-level factors while immigrants are more frequently associated with micro-level economic concerns. By distinguishing between refugees and immigrants, this article addresses an important gap in the academic literature on attitudes toward foreigners in Europe.

scholarly journals Preferences, vote choice, and the politics of social investment: Addressing the puzzle of unequal benefits of childcare provision

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
ERIK NEIMANNS
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Individual Preferences ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Research Gap ◽  
Original Survey

Abstract Research on the politics of social investment finds public opinion to be highly supportive of expansive reforms and expects this support to matter for the politics of expanding social investment. Expanding social investment, it is argued, should be particularly attractive to left-wing voters and parties because of the egalitarian potential of such policies. However, few studies have examined to what extent individual preferences concerning social investment really matter politically. In this paper, I address this research gap for the crucial policy field of childcare by examining how individual-level preferences for expanding childcare provision translate into voting behavior. Based on original survey data from eight European countries, I find that preferences to expand public childcare spending indeed translate into electoral support for the left. However, this link from preferences to votes turns out to be socially biased. Childcare preferences are much more decisive for voting the further up individuals are in the income distribution. This imperfect transmission from preferences to voting behavior implies that political parties could have incentives to target the benefits of childcare reforms to their more affluent voters. My findings help to explain why governments frequently fail to reduce social inequality of access to seemingly egalitarian childcare provision.

scholarly journals Individual Preferences for Giving

2007 ◽  
Vol 97 (5) ◽  
pp. 1858-1876 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Fisman ◽  
Shachar Kariv ◽  
Daniel Markovits
Keyword(s):  
Utility Maximization ◽  
Social Preferences ◽  
Graphical Representations ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Individual Preferences ◽  
Dictator Games ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Budget Sets ◽  
Baseline Experiment

We utilize graphical representations of Dictator Games which generate rich individual-level data. Our baseline experiment employs budget sets over feasible payoff-pairs. We test these data for consistency with utility maximization, and we recover the underlying preferences for giving (trade-offs between own payoffs and the payoffs of others). Two further experiments augment the analysis. An extensive elaboration employs three-person budget sets to distinguish preferences for giving from social preferences (trade-offs between the payoffs of others). And an intensive elaboration employs step-shaped sets to distinguish between behaviors that are compatible with well-behaved preferences and those compatible only with not well-behaved cases. (JEL C72, D64)

scholarly journals A threat from within? Perceptions of immigration in an enlarging European Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 343-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Jeannet
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Level Data ◽  
European Immigration ◽  
East West

Scholars have taken a considerable interest in how global immigration to Europe generates public concern, but we still know little about the role that migration from within the European region has in fueling apprehensions. To better understand this, I examine how public attitudes towards immigration have responded to migration following the European Union’s most extensive enlargement along its eastern border in 2004. Using recent advances in multilevel modeling, this article analyzes the longitudinal, cross-sectional relationship between east–west internal European migration on public attitudes towards the economic and cultural aspects of immigration in Western Europe using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014). The results demonstrate that growing populations of Central and Eastern European foreigners have contributed to Western Europeans’ perception of immigration as an economic threat, even when taking into account simultaneous immigration from outside Europe. Moreover, the relationship between east–west immigration and an individual’s perception of immigration as a threat is conditional upon their socio-economic status. These findings underscore how within-European immigration in Western Europe has become consequential to the public’s attitudes about immigration more generally.

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