scholarly journals Causes and consequences of the rise of populist radical right parties and movements in Europe

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (6) ◽  
pp. 909-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasper Muis ◽  
Tim Immerzeel
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Case Selection ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Supply Side Factors

This article reviews three strands in the scholarship on the populist radical right (PRR). It covers both political parties and extra-parliamentary mobilization in contemporary European democracies. After definitional issues and case selection, the authors first discuss demand-side approaches to the fortunes of the PRR. Subsequently, supply-side approaches are assessed, namely political opportunity explanations and internal supply-side factors, referring to leadership, organization and ideological positioning. Third, research on the consequences of the emergence and rise of these parties and movements is examined: do they constitute a corrective or a threat to democracy? The authors discuss the growing literature on the impact on established parties’ policies, the policies themselves, and citizens’ behaviour. The review concludes with future directions for theorizing and research.

scholarly journals Welfare Chauvinism, Populist Radical Right Parties and Health Inequalities Comment on "A Scoping Review of Populist Radical Right Parties’ Influence on Welfare Policy and its Implications for Population Health in Europe"

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Bambra ◽  
Julia Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Population Health ◽  
Health Inequalities ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Short Commentary ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
State Contraction ◽  
The Impact

In this short commentary, we examine the implications of the welfare chauvinism of the populist radical right (PRR) for health inequalities by examining the international evidence about the impact of previous periods of welfare state contraction on population health and health inequalities. We argue that parties from various political traditions have in fact long engaged in stigmatisation of welfare recipients to justify welfare state retrenchment, a technique that the PRR have now ‘weaponised.’ We conclude by reflecting on implications of the rise of the PRR for the future of welfare states and health inequalities in the context of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19).

scholarly journals Researching the Welfare Impact of Populist Radical Right Parties Comment on "A Scoping Review of Populist Radical Right Parties’ Influence on Welfare Policy and its Implications for Population Health in Europe"

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandru D. Moise
Keyword(s):  
Population Health ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Welfare Policy ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Welfare Impact ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
The Impact

Populist radical right (PRR) parties can impact population health through multiple mechanisms, including welfare chauvinistic policies, influencing mainstream parties, and eroding democratic norms. Rinaldi and Bekker survey the literature in order to motivate a wider research agenda. They highlight results from existing studies which show the importance of looking into the impact of PRR parties on welfare policy. This commentary considers some of the areas of research highlighted by the original article, as well as other possibilities for further research. The most important of these is to expand the sample of cases to Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and South East Asia.

Ideological dilemmas of female populist radical right politicians

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarina Pettersson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
The Other ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Societal Implications ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Patriarchal Ideology ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
Discursive Patterns

Radical right political parties are usually heavily male-dominated; accordingly, previous research has concentrated on the perspective of men. The present study aims to enhance the understanding of the worldview of women within radical right parties. Taking a critical discursive psychological approach, the study looks at how female populist radical right politicians in Sweden and Finland discursively negotiate the tension between the Nordic societal norm of gender equality, on the one hand, and the patriarchal ideology of populist radical right parties, on the other. The analysis suggests that the female populist radical right politicians’ discourse is indeed highly ambivalent. The discursive tension between gender equality and a patriarchal politics is heavily intertwined with two further tensions: first, that of a societal norm against prejudice versus a politics based on xenophobia; and second, that of a culture that cherishes individualism versus a political pressure to homogenize the political or cultural ‘Other’. The study compares the discourse of female populist radical right politicians in the two country contexts. Moreover, it discusses the differences and similarities between this discourse, on the one hand, and that of male populist radical right politicians, on the other. Finally, it analyses the gendered and racialized categorizations accomplished by the discursive patterns, and elaborates on their societal implications.

scholarly journals Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to the UK’s Brexit vote

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stijn van Kessel ◽  
Nicola Chelotti ◽  
Helen Drake ◽  
Juan Roch ◽  
Patricia Rodi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Domino Effect ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The Uk

Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.

scholarly journals The impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on socio-economic policies

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonce Röth ◽  
Alexandre Afonso ◽  
Dennis C. Spies
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Data ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Qualitative Case Studies ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Core Issue ◽  
The Impact

Because they are now members of most Western European parliaments, Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs) have the potential to influence the formulation of socio-economic policies. However, scholarly attention so far has nearly exclusively focussed on the impact of PRRPs on what is considered their ‘core issue’, that is migration policy. In this paper, we provide the first mixed methods comparative study of the impact of PRRPs on redistributive and (de-)regulative economic policies. Combining quantitative data with qualitative case studies, our results show that the participation of PRRPs in right-wing governments has noteworthy implications for socio-economic policies. Due to the heterogeneous constituencies of PRRPs, these parties not only refrain from welfare state retrenchment but are also less inclined to engage in deregulation compared with right-wing governments without PRRP participation.

The rise and endurance of radical right movements

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 918-935 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Caiani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Leadership Communication ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Shed Light

This article reviews the scholarship on radical right movements in Europe. It focuses on three strands of this literature: first, the macro-level contextual opportunities-based explanations for the fortunes of these movements; second, internal supply-side approaches, referring to the internal organizational resources – leadership, communication and propaganda – that support the mobilization; and third, the individual (micro-level) factors of the emergence and the rise of radical right movements. The goal is to shed light on all these different approaches to explain the ‘Who’, ‘When’, ‘How’ and ‘Why’ of the emergence and (violent) mobilization of radical right groups, using empirical evidence drawn from various case studies in Western, Eastern and Central Europe. This is a topic often neglected in the academic literature on the radical right, which still focuses mainly on political parties and elections. The article concludes by discussing possible future directions for radical right movement research, including the transnationalization of the radical right, the usage of the Internet and radical right ‘movement parties’.

The Radical Right in Southern Europe

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Ruzza
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the connections between the trajectory of the radical right in Italy, Spain, and Greece and the impact of the 2007 economic crisis and its aftermaths. The crisis sparked sweeping anti-political sentiments directed against the mainstream political actors that had been ruling these countries in recent decades, and which were held responsible for the disproportionate impact of the crisis on these countries. However, it is argued that distinctive supply-side and contextual political factors affected the relevance of radical right parties in the countries examined. Competition from new types of populist formations such as Podemos and the Five Star Movement limited the viability of the radical right in Italy and Spain, while in Greece the radical right emerged in association with conventional extreme right ideologies. In addition, in Spain a perception of migrants as less threatening and competition from ingrained ethnonationalist identities further limited the viability of the radical right.

scholarly journals The impact of anti-establishment parties on the electoral success of independent local lists: Evidence from Germany

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882096543
Author(s):  
Michael Jankowski ◽  
Christina-Marie Juen ◽  
Markus Tepe
Keyword(s):  
Radical Right ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Lower Saxony ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
The Impact ◽  
German Federal State

Independent local lists (ILL) have become an important non-partisan actor in many local elections. However, little is known about which factors explain their electoral success. Drawing on recent contributions regarding the anti-establishment attitudes of many ILL, we argue that the rise of anti-establishment parties, especially the rise of populist radical-right parties, potentially harms the electoral success of ILL. Our main argument is that both actors attract voters that are dissatisfied with established parties. To test this hypothesis, we draw on the case of municipal elections in the German federal state of Lower Saxony. In the election of 2016, the populist radical-right party AfD competed in only a subset of all municipalities, meaning that some voters could cast their vote for the AfD in only some of the municipalities. We use a difference-in-differences approach to estimate the effect of the AfD on independent local list’s vote share and demonstrate that ILL suffered strongly from the entrance of the AfD to the electoral arena. More specifically, our findings demonstrate that the increase in the success of ILL was halted in municipalities in which the AfD competed, while it continued to increase in regions where the AfD was absent. These findings suggest that the increasing success of ILL is due to voters’ dissatisfaction with the established parties and not necessarily due to an increasing interest in local issues.

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