The Rise of the Panchayati Raj Institutions as the Third Tier in Indian Federalism: Where the Shoe Pinches

2021 ◽  
pp. 001955612110055
Author(s):  
Prabhat Kumar Datta ◽  
Inderjeet Singh Sodhi

The idea of forming a two-tier federal structure in India gathered considerable momentum after the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League came together through a Pact in 1916. But the concept of the third tier which was mooted in the Constituent Assembly through the incorporation of panchayats in the Directive Principles of State Policy after detailed deliberation began receiving attention after the 73rd Amendment of the Constitution in 1992 which coincided with the paradigmatic shift in the policy of the Indian State. This Act signified in clear terms the intention of the State to strengthen the process of third tier federalism in India. This article seeks to critically examine the process of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) as a new tier in the Indian federal system, excluding the Fifth and Sixth Scheduled Areas. An attempt has also been made to analyse despite constitutionalisation of PRIs where the shoe still pinches and wherein lies the ray of hope.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-265
Author(s):  
Ujjwal Kumar Singh ◽  
Anupama Roy

Susanne Rudolph and Lloyd Rudolph believed that ‘situated knowledge’ could be realized through area studies, which they argued was consonant with epistemic pluralism and comparative generalization. Their writings reflect a critical relationship with their field as well as the American Political Science academia particularly in the way they envisaged area studies of ‘a different kind’. The Rudolphs proposed that the Indian state and political process could be comprehended through analytical categories ‘adapted’ to capture its particularity. They found ‘a persistent centrism’ to be the most striking feature of Indian politics with the Indian National Congress crucial to the arrival at ‘centrism’. In their later writings, the Rudolphs addressed the contests that emerged in the domain of the state, particularly in the context of the diminished ‘interventionist state’, grappling with contests over political power, the institutional matrix of the state and constitutional design.


1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 853-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel A. Almond

Three important questions are raised by the “return to the state” movement of recent years. First, are the pluralist, structural functionalist, and Marxist literatures of political science societally reductionist, as this movement contends? Second, does the neostatist paradigm remedy these defects and provide a superior analytical model? Third, regardless of the substantive merits of these arguments, are there heuristic benefits flowing from this critique of the literature? Examination of the evidence leads to a rejection of the first two criticisms. The answer to the third question is more complex. There is merit to the argument that administrative and institutional history has been neglected in the political science of the last decades. This is hardly a “paradigmatic shift”; and it has been purchased at the exorbitant price of encouraging a generation of graduate students to reject their professional history and to engage in vague conceptualization.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emerson B. Christie

The constitution adopted by the constituent assembly at Tirana on March 3, 1925, is the third organic law of the country to appear in the last twelve years. The first was the organic statute issued at Valona on April 10, 1914, by the International Commission of Control in Albania. By the terms of this instrument the new state was constituted a hereditary monarchy under the protection of Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. The next act organizing the state was the provisional constitution adopted by Albanian leaders at Lushnia in January, 1920, and amended in 1922.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rizwan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Usha Rehman

The First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan framed a number of committees in order to run the state affair; however, the Basic Principles Committee was one of the most important bodies that were assigned to prepare a draft for the future constitution of Pakistan. The main objective of the committee was to suggest the directive principle of the state policy. This 24-member committee submitted its first interim report on 28 September 1950 that suggested a federal configuration for Pakistan and the incorporation of the Objective Resolution in the upcoming constitution. However, when this report was presented, it criticized by the majority political parties of the Eastern Wing who were demanding more representation in the legislature and the declaration of Bengali as the national language of Pakistan. In order to satisfy the demands of the stakeholders, another report was presented by the then Prime Minister Khawaja Nazim-ud-Din in 1952 with some changes in it. The committee suggested equal representation for both wings, but this time the report was rejected by the Panjabi elites. Finally, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra presented a modified formula according to which contrary to the representation in Lower House the Upper House was weighted so as to secure parity between East and West wings of the country.


Author(s):  
Hansjörg Schmid

Abstract Due to the federal structure of Switzerland, interreligious activities are also strongly influenced by cantonal contexts. Based on published material as well as on semi-directive interviews with key protagonists, the article analyses three cases of interreligious dialogue – two cantonal cases from the German-, or respectively French-speaking part of the country and the more general case of a women’s network. In the cantonal cases, interreligious dialogue is strongly linked to state-religion relation and serves as a tool for inclusion of new religious communities and for social cohesion. In each of the two cases, there are specific forms and organisational structures of dialogue. In contrast to these examples, the third case is more independent of political interests and often adopts a critical stance. Thus two types of interreligious discourse and relationship with the state can be identified which can also be seen as complementary: either a more critical voice keeping distance from power, or a collaboration with political structures strengthening the religious communities’ influence within the system.


Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma

Conservative political thinking has a long intellectual lineage in India. We explore the intellectual roots of this tradition by examining older texts as well as more contemporary writing on the role of the state. In one strand of conservative political thinking, the state is subservient to social norms, and it can only have a limited, if any, role in social and economic transformation. We contrast these conservative ideas with the views of more liberal thinkers who seek to use the power of the Indian state to transform society and the economy. A reading of the debates in the Constituent Assembly of India shows that there was significant division on the role of the state in social transformation and on whether special provisions should be made for religious minorities and disadvantaged groups. The ideological dimensions of conflict that we have identified were of deep concern to the framers of India’s constitution and they resonate in contemporary India.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (04) ◽  
pp. 270-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Rienhoff

Abstract:The state of the art is summarized showing many efforts but only few results which can serve as demonstration examples for developing countries. Education in health informatics in developing countries is still mainly dealing with the type of health informatics known from the industrialized world. Educational tools or curricula geared to the matter of development are rarely to be found. Some WHO activities suggest that it is time for a collaboration network to derive tools and curricula within the next decade.


2004 ◽  
pp. 76-91
Author(s):  
B. Kheifets

Russia's financial requirements in respect to foreign countries have considerably lowered during recent years without noticeable return for the country's budget. Different assessments of the value of foreign financial assets are considered in the article and main reasons that have led to their lowering are revealed. The state policy in the field is critically analyzed, alternative variants of increasing the effectiveness of foreign financial assets realization are offered.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


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