Democratic Accountability and Diversionary Force

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (6) ◽  
pp. 1021-1046 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emizet F. Kisangani ◽  
Jeffrey Pickering

Agreement on which democratic regime types are prone to use diversionary force has yet to materialize in the embryonic empirical literature on the subject. Nor has consensus emerged on the theoretical approach that best explains the diversionary tendencies of different democratic political systems. By separating out benevolent and belligerent diversionary military missions, we begin to offer some clarity to this mixed empirical literature. In zero-inflated Poisson estimates of fifty-six democracies from 1950 to 2004, we find compelling evidence that a theoretical framework emphasizing leader accountability best explains democratic diversionary behavior. More accountable democratic executives (leaders of majoritarian, weak-party majority, and minority governments) appear significantly more likely to use diversionary force than counterparts with less accountability (especially in coalition governments). Democratic leaders also seem to use benevolent military force for diversionary purposes more often than belligerent force, though they still use the latter in specific contexts.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-52
Author(s):  
Cristina Bucur

As a key consequence of government formation negotiations among executive and legislative actors, portfolio allocation offers a window to understand the impact of constitutional design and presidential prerogatives on cabinet dynamics across democratic regime types. This article uses Shugart and Carey’s emphasis on the implications of regime distinctions and institutional variation in presidential powers for executive-legislative relations as a starting point for an examination of the extent to which presidents influence government formation outcomes in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. Many presidents in these political systems have some influence on government formation, which enables them to shape cabinet composition. Yet, whether these powers advantage presidential parties in reaping more cabinet spoils than their proportional share has yet to be investigated. Using data on 442 government formation situations in 23 European parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies during 1945–2015, this study finds that parties of strong presidents generally, or presidents formally empowered to choose a formateur, are more likely to be advantaged in the allocation of cabinet seats than their peers who are not allied with the head of state.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Pickering ◽  
David F. Mitchell

While the empirical literature on foreign military intervention has made considerable progress identifying the causes and consequences of military intervention, we still have much to learn about the subject. Mixed and even contradictory results remain common in the literature, and cumulative knowledge has in many instances proven elusive. Arguably the two most prominent theoretical approaches in recent scholarship, the bargaining model and the rivalry approach, have provided important insight into the phenomenon. They would nonetheless benefit from further refinement. Common explanatory variables outside of these two approaches also require further theoretical and empirical development. The literature has recently begun to examine the impact that military intervention has on target societies as well, with particular attention being given to target state democratization, human rights development, and conflict resolution. Empirical research could shed additional light on all of these phenomena by developing more detailed theory and data on intervention targets. It would also profit from incorporating systematic knowledge on leaders’ proclivities to use military force into current theoretical models.


e-Finanse ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-76
Author(s):  
Piotr Bartkiewicz

AbstractThe article presents the results of the review of the empirical literature regarding the impact of quantitative easing (QE) on emerging markets (EMs). The subject is of interest to policymakers and researchers due to the increasingly larger role of EMs in the world economy and the large-scale capital flows occurring after 2009. The review is conducted in a systematic manner and takes into consideration different methodological choices, samples and measurement issues. The paper puts the summarized results in the context of transmission channels identified in the literature. There are few distinct methodological approaches present in the literature. While there is a consensus regarding the direction of the impact of QE on EMs, its size and durability have not yet been assessed with sufficient precision. In addition, there are clear gaps in the empirical findings, not least related to relative underrepresentation of the CEE region (in particular, Poland).


2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 859-880 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER LEE

AbstractOver the past three decades Jean Bethke Elshtain has used her critique and application of just war as a means of engaging with multiple overlapping aspects of identity. Though Elshtain ostensibly writes about war and the justice, or lack of justice, therein, she also uses just war a site of analysis within which different strands of subjectivity are investigated and articulated as part of her broader political theory. This article explores the proposition that Elshtain's most important contribution to the just war tradition is not be found in her provision of codes or her analysis of ad bellum or in bello criteria, conformity to which adjudges war or military intervention to be just or otherwise. Rather, that she enriches just war debate because of the unique and sometimes provocative perspective she brings as political theorist and International Relations scholar who adopts, adapts, and deploys familiar but, for some, uncomfortable discursive artefacts from the history of the Christian West: suffused with her own Christian faith and theology. In so doing she continually reminds us that human lives, with all their attendant political, social, and religious complexities, should be the focus when military force is used, or even proposed, for political ends.


Author(s):  
Hiba Mehdi Adnan Al-Fahham, Ammar Kereem Al-Fetlawy

The subject of curative protection to the satisfaction of the weak party in contractual relations is one of the issues that have taken on the opinion of legal jurisprudence, it had to be addressed by research and study, especially in the current situation because of this prominent issue in the relations of people in the field of concluding contracts, despite the importance of this The topic, however, we find that he did not receive a share of the legislative organization commensurate with that importance, because the legislator did not put clear or direct texts through which the weak party’s satisfaction could be protected, but rather different theories scattered in various laws that did not reach the level of familiarity with this issue in all its aspects. Therefore, it is necessary to search for solutions through which we can protect the consent of the weak party ... all that and more that we covered in this study by following both the inductive approach and the comparative approach and the analytical approach, where we extrapolated the most important jurisprudence opinions that were said in this regard, as well as the analysis of legal texts and that Within the scope of Iraqi law and French law, and then we extrapolated the most important doctrinal opinions to the most important results and proposals we have reached to protect the consent of the weak party in contractual relations. The study reached a set of results, among which the researcher reached a set of results, including the creation of the French legislator a new defect in his legislation, which the judiciary had the largest role in alerting to the existence of this defect, its purpose is to protect the consent of the weak party in economic relations, by setting the dependency criterion as the origin of the contractor the weak victim of this kind of coercion. Secondly, the grace period despite thinking is a modern idea, but the French legislator clarified the mechanisms that contractors can follow in their contractual relations and impose a penalty in the event that the weak contracting professional is deprived of it, as it is a right granted to the weak party according to clear and explicit legislative texts. The researcher reached a set of recommendations, among which we recommend the legislator to introduce the defect of economic coercion to address cases of imbalance in the contractual balance that he seeks to achieve in all contractual relationships. We suggest that the Iraqi legislator stipulates the deadline for thinking about its legislation, because the protection that is granted to the weak party is only subsequent protection, at a time when the weak party needs legal protection prior to concluding the contract.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3(J)) ◽  
pp. 152-162
Author(s):  
Kunofiwa Tsaurai

This paper seeks to investigate the relationship between savings and financial development in Zimbabwe using both autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) and vector error correction model (VECM) approaches for comparison purposes with monthly time series data from January 2009 to August 2015. Four distinct hypotheses emerged from the literature and these are the savings-led financial development, financial development-led savings, feedback effect and the insignificant/no relationship hypothesis. The existence of diverging and contradicting views in empirical literature on the subject matter is evidence that the linkage between savings and financial development is still far from being concluded. Both F-Bounds and Johansen co-integration tests observed that there is a long run relationship between savings and financial development in Zimbabwe. What is even more unique about this study is that both ARDL and VECM noted the presence of a bi-directional causality relationship between savings and financial development in the short and long run in Zimbabwe. The implication of this study is that in order to increase economic growth, Zimbabwe authorities should increase savings mobilization efforts in order to boost financial development, which in turn attracts more savings inflow into the formal financial system.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meir Shamgar

Some fifteen years ago, an address on the subject of judicial review of the actions of the Knesset would have been extremely short and quite familiar to English jurists. Our practice was basically the same as in England: the Parliament is sovereign, its laws inviolate, and its inner proceedings immune from review.Beginning with two decisions in the early 1980s, Flato-Sharon and Sarid, the Court has gradually recognized the justiciability of a limited range of Knesset decisions. While the precise level of review varies according to the type of decision at issue, the Court's review has been motivated in all cases by the need to preserve the rule of law and the integrity of our democratic regime.


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siobhan Daly

This article argues that classificatory problems such as parochialism, misclassification, degreeism and conceptual stretching underpin the classification of democratic regime types. This is due to the safeguarding of the parliamentary/presidential dichotomy as a framework for the classification and comparison of democratic types of regime. Drawing upon Giovanni Sartori's ladder of abstraction, types of democratic regime are classified as part of a hierarchy of concepts. This approach enables scholars to avoid classificatory pitfalls as it facilitates the methodological expansion of the conceptual framework for the classification of democratic regime types. Therefore, democratic regime types are more conducive to systematic comparative research.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Blondel

ALTHOUGH THE CLASSICAL WORK ON POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN Western Democracies, edited by Robert Dahl, was published decades ago, in 1966, the analysis of the characteristics of opposition, in democracies or elsewhere, has advanced rather less than other aspects of comparative politics. The word ‘opposition’ is used daily to account for a variety of developments; but its many meanings have not been systematically related to the differences among the political systems of the world. A number of comparative studies did appear after the 1966 seminal work, admittedly, including one by Dahl himself in 1973, as well as those by Ionescu and Madariaga in 1968, by Schapiro in 1972, by Tokes in 1979, by Kolinsky in 1988 and by Rodan in 1996; these volumes explore aspects of the concept which could not have been even referred to in the original study, since that study was confined to Western democracies and to the part played by political parties in the context of opposition. Yet the problem has still not been tackled truly comprehensively, as, with the exception of the 1973 Dahl volume, the works on the subject are comparative only in the sense that they deal with more than one country; but their scope remains limited to a region or to a particular type of political system. Meanwhile, many country analyses examine the nature of political opposition in each particular case, but the information which they provide has to be brought within a common framework before we can hope to obtain a general picture of the characteristics of opposition across the world.


1976 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 45-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. F. J. Jones

The north-west corner of Spain was long neglected by Roman archaeologists, who have tended to concentrate on the more spectacular remains to be found in the south and east. However, recently more attention has been directed there by workers of several nationalities, who have now produced a quite extensive literature on the gold mines, as well as on wider aspects, chiefly in connection with the activities of the legion VII Gemina. Yet there has been little attempt in all this to examine why a substantial military force was maintained in the region for so long. This paper aims to review that problem to about the end of the second century A.D. The evidence available is almost entirely epigraphic, chiefly consisting of epitaphs and religious dedications. Building inscriptions are scarce. For convenience all the epigraphic material from the north-west of Spain that is relevant to the disposition of the army is collected in the appendix, and in the main text reference will be made to the numbers given there. In addition a few historical passages are of importance, but the archaeological site evidence is very slight. The nature of the evidence is such that most attention must be devoted to the units attested in the region and their deployment, with little to be said about their actual bases. Previous work on the subject has been dominated by the late Antonio García y Bellido in several masterly papers. However it has tended to concentrate more on the history of the units themselves than on questions of topography and the reasons behind their presence.


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