scholarly journals Feminism and Solidarity on the Left: Rethinking the Unhappy Marriage Metaphor

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 972-991
Author(s):  
Kirsty Alexander ◽  
Catherine Eschle ◽  
Jenny Morrison ◽  
Mairi Tulbure
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marriage Metaphor ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
Political Solidarity

In the context of efforts to revive and reconfigure the left, fraught solidarity relations between feminism and other left forces are again under the political spotlight. This article revisits the widespread use of the ‘unhappy marriage’ metaphor to characterise these relations, given that metaphors play a significant role in structuring political discourse and action. We argue that the metaphor has been used in uncritical and limiting ways, and turn to feminist reconfigurations of the institutions of marriage to develop a more expansive, reflexive conceptual lens. We then apply this lens to three case studies of left organising in Scotland around the time of the 2012–2014 Scottish independence referendum, showing that the expanded marriage metaphor captures a more complex story of solidarity relations. Nonetheless, aspects of the marriage metaphor remain irredeemable, and we end with a call for the continued development of alternative frameworks that imagine political solidarity differently.

Turkestan and the Rise of Eurasian Empires

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Anooshahr
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Way

It has long been known that the origins of the early modern dynasties of the Ottomans, Safavids, Mughals, Mongols, and Shibanids in the sixteenth century go back to “Turco-Mongol” or “Turcophone” war bands. However, too often has this connection been taken at face value, usually along the lines of ethnolinguistic continuity. The connection between a mythologized “Turkestani” or “Turco-Mongol” origin and these dynasties was not simply and objectively present as fact. Rather, much creative energy was unleashed by courtiers and leaders from Bosnia to Bihar (with Bukhara and Badakhshan along the way) in order to manipulate, invent, and in some cases disavow the ancestry of the founders of these dynasties. Essentially, one can even say that Turco-Mongol progenitors did not beget the Ottoman, Safavid, Mughal, Mongol, and Shibanid states. Quite the contrary, one can say that historians writing in these empires were the ancestors of the “Turco-Mongol” lineage of their founders. Using one or more specimens of Persian historiography, in a series of five case studies, each focusing on one of these nascent polities, the book intends to show how “Turkestan,” “Central Asia,” and “Turco-Mongol” functioned as literary tropes in the political discourse of the time.

Resistance, Rebellion, and the Subaltern

2021 ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Kim A. Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Reading ◽  
British India ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Empirical Case Studies

Often falling short of its putative aims, subaltern resistance has throughout history played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of states and empires. This chapter examines some of the more recent developments, as well as criticisms, of the broader study of subaltern resistance and rebellion within a global context. The empirical case studies are drawn primarily from the European imperial expansion during the long nineteenth century, and from British India in particular, and the discussion focusses on three central themes: violence, rumors, and religion. Considering the centrality of historiographical debates on the key concepts of “resistance” and “subalternity,” the discussion is framed by a critical reading of the work of Ranajit Guha and his classic 1983 book, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency.

scholarly journals Communicative failures of the political discourse of the spanish party Podemos

2019 ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
A. Demkina
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Cognitive Science ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Aggressive Communication ◽  
Communicative Act

The article considers the effectiveness of the Spanish party Podemos discourse from the standpoint of cognitive science and pragmalinguistics. It argues that inconsistency in the development of discourse as well as communicative failures tend to play a significant role in promoting or degrading political communication and, as a result, affect the dynamics of electoral support.Given the thesis of linguo-pragmatists that the source of communicative failure can be both the communicant himself and the circumstances of the communicative act, the author carries out a discourse analysis of the rhetoric of the Podemos leaders in a chronological framework - 2014-2019, focusing not only on the evolution of pragmalinguistic practices, but also on the pragmatic context of communicative events.Having ascertained the high media dependence of the Podemos discourse and its performative nature, it has been revealed that the repeated nature of “performative misfires” or communicative failures leads to disruption of the discourse sequence, a decrease in its effectiveness, and even erosion of the communicator’s discursive identity.It seems that if the aggressive communication tactics of “media scandals” are likely to bring politicians popularity at the starting stage, then voters subsequently expect logic and consistency from their representatives, and the discontinuity and incomprehensible change of the discursive framework for the audience may lead to uncontrolled consequences for the addresser. It is recorded that the decline in Podemos’s electoral support in the general and municipal elections in Spain in 2019 may refer to large media scandals around the party’s activities, which have been triggered by violations of discursive logic.

“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Gunpowder Plot ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Legal Procedures ◽  
The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

The New Terrain of International Law

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Courts ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Delegation Of Authority ◽  
The World ◽  
The Law

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.

The Concept of “Zemsky Sobor” in the Interpretation of State Authority in Russia of the 19th Century: From Karamzin to Stepnyak-Kravchinsky

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
State Authority ◽  
The 19Th Century

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.

Police Department and Slavophil Political Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.

‘Sovereign Democracy’ and the Politics of Ideology in Putin’s Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Color Revolutions ◽  
Revolutionary Praxis ◽  
Over Time

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.

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