The Student Protest Movement

1968 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 464-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Walter Herbert

“As one seeks to explain what moves these young people today, one is often perplexed by apparently contradictory tendencies. The movement is strongly characterized by the desire not to be understood. Another source of perplexity is the fact that the political activity, which receives so much attention, is at its heart non-political. Except for a very few, those who engage in political activity do so on the basis of an orientation to personal life, not political life. It is a personal moral quest, not a political vision, which is really characteristic of those who are politically involved.”

2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-141
Author(s):  
V.H. Nabiyev ◽  

The article examines the problem of patriotism, which plays a special role in the political life of modern Kazakhstan. In fact, in all over the world, young people today are in very difficult socio- economic and political conditions, when their entry into life is accompanied by changing and peculiar processes of change not only political system or economic mechanisms of management. The change in the system of spiritual and moral values, guidelines and ideals of all citizens, especially young people, is impressive.


1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophia F. McDowell ◽  
Gilbert A. Lowe, Jr. ◽  
Doris A. Dockett

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


Author(s):  
E. A. Eliseeva ◽  
◽  
A. A. Nechkina ◽  
R. Yu. Zulуar ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes a protest activity as one of the areas of political activity of young people in modern Russian society. The purpose of the study is to explore the attitude towards the opposition and the oppositional potential of the youth of the Irkutsk region. The authors revealed that the portrait of an average young man in the Irkutsk region (in terms of his attitude to the opposition and protest potential) is as follows: he or she is a person who latently criticizes the authorities and expects changes, but whose political activity is below the average level.


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
V.A. Antoshin ◽  
◽  
A.V. Antoshin ◽  
K.I. Kolesnikova ◽  

This study analyzed the phenomenon of youth protest activity in modern Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify the specifics of the formation and development of the phenomenon of youth protest in the Russian Federation. Currently, there is an increase in social tension among young people, which is due to a large number of phenomena and factors. By analyzing the cases of protest activity in the Russian Federation over the past 10 years, their causes, mechanisms of organization, actors, stages, resources, and results have been identified in the dynamics. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological studies of protest activity of modern Russian youth and cases of protest activity, the article analyzes value orientations, dynamics and trends in the development of this phenomenon, presents concepts containing an analysis of the specifics of social protest, considers factors associated with the strengthening of various effects of the influence of digital communications on the political interaction of citizens and processes associated with the complexity of the nature and structure of political communication. Two structural levels of the system of social factors of protest behavior are identified: individual protest behavior and protest social movement, the most significant factors of protest social activity of young people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the results of a number of sociological studies devoted to the study of the role of digital communications on the protest social activity of Russian youth, it is concluded that the influence of digital networks on the political activity of citizens is increasing, while at present there is not a decrease in the civic activity of young people, but a change in the models of their participation in political events.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
Irina Vladimirovna Samarkina ◽  
Igor Stanislavovich Bashmakov

This article is devoted to the study of urban youth local identity in a large and medium city. This identity is manifested in everyday interaction with the urban community, its socio-political institutions and visitors and affect the level of public and political participation, the presence of constructive civic practices. The aim is to identify and describe the main components and place of local youth identity in the system of social identities in large and medium-sized cities of Krasnodar krai (Krasnodar, Novorossiysk, Sochi and Armavir). The empirical basis of the study was made up of focus group transcripts conducted with various groups of young people (schoolchildren, students, and working youth). To verify the conceptual model a modified version of the Kuhn-McPartland method was used. On the basis of the conducted empirical research, the place of local identity in the system of urban youth social and territorial identities was revealed. The dependence between the size of a city and a cohort of young people and a local identity was shown. Such components of young people local identity as awareness of the city and its socio-political life, attitude towards representatives of other communities, a sense of their involvement in city life, the desire to stay and live in the city, the will to work for the benefit of the city, to participate in its socio-political life. The study made it possible to identify the valence of youth identity (negative, neutral, positive). The trajectories of young people spatial mobility that affect the degree of actualization and valence of local identity were also described. The dependence between the strength of youth local identity and participation in public and political activity for the benefit of the city and the region, participation in the activities of public and political organizations has been revealed.


Author(s):  
Nailia Z. Fakhrutdinova

Serious changes are taking place in socio-political life of Algeria. The mass protest movement "Hirak", which began in 2019, after the country's president announced his decision to run for a fifth term, continues to these days. Despite his resignation, a prompt change of political leadership and elections to a new parliament, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators in all cities of Algeria insist on further democratization and genuine modernization of socio-political and socio-economic structures, taking into account the interests and needs of young people. Indeed, more than half of the population of Algeria is under 30 years old, and unemployment among them reaches 24%. A distinctive tendency of the protest movement was the active participation of young people, which, according to the new leadership of the country, is the true real wealth of the state. Analysts note the awakening of collective consciousness in Algeria. Hirak's ability to make quick decisions during a pandemic shows that demonstrations are an instrument of extremely broad public momentum. Certain positive shifts towards changes have taken place - the president, who has been in power for 20 years, has resigned. However, the political situation can hardly be called stable. Including the majority of popular revolutionary protest actions in African countries ended with an immediate deepening of conservatism, the strengthening of traditionalism and the surge of radical Islamism. Probably, only in a fairly long-term perspective we can expect a real modernized stabilization of the socio-political situation, without which progressive economic development and its derivatives: an increase in the standard of living of the population and a decrease in unemployment are unrealizable.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document