Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.

Author(s):  
V. Sukhanov

The article analyzes the influence of the religious aspects on the political processes in Israel. Special attention is paid to the role of religion in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The author shows the trend towards politicization of religion and characterizes the process as unconstructive, which prevents to a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.The article also discusses the interaction between secular and religious principles in the State of Israel, estimates the current situation, highlights the importance of the religious component in the political life of Israel.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1287
Author(s):  
Adel Hamzah OTHMAN

Humanitarian intervention is often seen as a factor of increasing the level of political presence in one state by another due to its impact on socio-economic processes. Moreover, the presence of the state itself and its government or army is not required. International organizations are used in most cases. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is now understood as an instrument of soft power, coupled with the use of the international community in the context of cross-cutting information. The novelty of the article is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is considered not only as an instrument of political influence, but also as a mechanism for participation in the economic environment of society. The paper shows that under the conditions of the distribution of crisis economic phenomena, humanitarian intervention can only aggravate the situation of the state. It was determined that the most effective tool to increase the political rating of other state is the recovery period after emergency situations. The authors show the mechanism for using the mandatory procedures for the restoration of the country using a political instrument from the most financially secure states. The practical significance of the paper is determined by the need to form a mechanism for differentiating the political impact in the process of restoring the state after an emergency.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Schoenblum

The paper is concerned with the relationship of taxation to conceptions of the state and the community. The paper contends that public finance theorists have focused little attention on what, precisely, the state is and the role of subnational and supranational communities, even though understanding the state and these communities is essential for grasping how tax revenues are really distributed. The failure of public finance to do so is explainable by the powerful faith in the expertise of theorists and bureaucrats and abstract models for social welfare, whether or not they work or would be agreed upon and implemented via the political process.


Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.


Author(s):  
S.J.D. Green

This chapter explores the role of religion and the churches in British political life since 1800. It argues that during this period the British state gradually attempted to remove religious dispute from public life, and yet frequently failed to do so. The chapter examines a series of political problems posed by questions of religion and the churches, including nineteenth-century Ireland, the proliferation of diverse varieties of Christianity throughout the United Kingdom, the connections between religion and the political parties, and the challenges of secularization. It concludes that, even in a mostly secular country, British politics continues to be haunted by religion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Maksym A. Bułachtin

Polish Conservatives and Reform of the Electoral Law of Galicia at the Beginning of XXth CenturySummaryThe democratization of the political system of the Austro-Hungary at the turn of XIXth and XXth century accelerated the process of political changes. In these circumstances Polish conservatives were seriously bothered about the possibility of weakening not only the influence of the great land owners on the political life of Galicia but also diminishing of their role in shaping „Polish policy” in the whole monarchy. Moreover they were anxious about loosing the position of the party in the political life. Nevertheless the Cracow conservatives (so called „Stańczycy”) admitted the need for democratization of the political institutions and the necessity of concessions from the side of the hitherto governing elite. At the same time they wanted to shape the planned reform of the legislation regarding election to the State Parliament of Galicia (in Polish Sejm Krajowy Galicji) in a way that it ensured the political influence, and as a consequence the protection of interests, to the land owners and other rich social groups. The conservatives also aimed at the protection of Polish interests in a multinational Galicia. They wanted to ensure to Polish inhabitants a strong representation in the State Parliament as well as to guarantee election interests to the Polish minority in the Eastern part of the country, where the majority was composed of the Ukrainians. They also anticipated the smoothing and gradual solving of conflicts of nationalist nature in the country. Therefore they were ready for concessions towards the Ukrainian national demands.Dissimilarly, the conservatives of the Eastern Galicia (so called „podolacy”) did not want the democratization of the political system. They tried to prevent the mass political movements from strengthening. They were against broadening the representation of the Ukrainians in the State Parliament. These disparities led to a crisis between the two groups of the Polish conservatives at the beginning of the XXth century. The policy of the latter group did not have perspectives therefore they had to reconcile themselves with the principles of the reform prepared during the period maybe „when a Cracow conservative Michał Bobrzyński was the deputy of Galicia”.


Author(s):  
Darren R. Halpin ◽  
Anthony J. Nownes

The role of business in the American political system has always stirred emotions. Contemporary evidence of the clear and growing disparities in wealth between ordinary citizens and business elites has drawn new attention to this topic. Recently, the canon on the activities of business elites in politics has grown, as we have learned a great deal about how business firms and their ultra-wealthy leaders and investors seek to exert political influence. This book examines one form of business elite activity that has thus far received surprisingly little scholarly attention despite the high-profile political efforts of billionaire businesspeople such as Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg. Specifically, the book examines what we call the new entrepreneurial advocacy. Where previous work focuses on a cross section of either the wealthiest Americans or the largest firms in the United States, this book takes a deep dive into the political activities of a single yet pivotal cohort: the founders and CEOs of Silicon Valley firms. Leveraging a vast range of unique data sets—spanning the political donations of firms and their leaders; the local, state, and Washington lobbying of Silicon Valley firms; the social media and media commentary of Silicon Valley CEOs and founders; and the role of elites in supporting and founding new political organizations—this book shines a light on the role of this important set of elites in contemporary American political life.


2014 ◽  
pp. 92-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Moroz

The theme of the Church's influence on the political life of the state is one that is constantly focused on the attention of the scientific community, the media and its own politics. The current legislation in Ukraine clearly separates the church from the state. However, both the church and the state are important social institutions that can not but influence one another. The official position of the state in the relevant relations is outlined again by the law. Each of the confessions of the country, through democratic freedoms and within them, is able to implement its own concept of relations with the state. Moreover, the positions of even the largest churches in Ukraine here are significantly different and significantly affect the social realities, which determines the relevance of the topic.


Author(s):  
Moshe Halbertal

This introductory chapter distinguishes between the first two senses of sacrifice: “sacrificing to” and “sacrificing for.” Each use leads to a different field of inquiry. “Sacrificing to” engages such questions as ritual, substitution, and atonement. The study of sacrifice through this lens has received intense attention from different fields of investigation: the sociology of religion, psychoanalysis, anthropology, evolutionary biology, comparative religion, and cultural studies. Meanwhile, “sacrificing for” involves the political and moral spheres. Self-sacrifice for another individual, value, or collective seems key to much of ethical life and political organization. Focusing on “sacrificing for” leads to analyzing the role of sacrifice in war and the function of the state as a sacrificial bond.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 279-289
Author(s):  
Валентин Любашиц ◽  
Valentin Lyubashits ◽  
Алексей Мамычев ◽  
Aleksey Mamychev

The article analyzes the concept of the state apparatus, the role of parliaments in the political life of society and the state. The basis of the construction and functioning of the state machinery of any country on objective and subjective factors. The alienation of people from property and political power that has occurred in our country, is the initial state, generating the need for democracy as the need to overcome the old and new forms of alienation of power from society as a resolution of the conflict between the diversity of social and political interests of the subjects of political power and the possibilities of their embodiments of the structures and institutions of power.


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