Coming Back Home to Live and Not Die: A Human Geography of a Working-Class Black Gay Male Navigating the Local Higher Education Pipeline

2021 ◽  
pp. 004208592098729
Author(s):  
Amalia Z. Dache ◽  
Keon M. McGuire

The purpose of this study is to illustrate how in the span of three decades, a working-class Black gay male college student residing in a post-industrial city navigated college. Through a postcolonial geographic epistemology and theories of human geography, we explore his narrative, mapping the terrain of sexual, race and class dialects, which ultimately led to Marcus’s (pseudonym) completion of graduate school and community-based policy research. Marcus’s educational human geography reveals the unique and complex intersections of masculinity, Blackness and class as identities woven into his experiences navigating the built environment.

Author(s):  
Brianna R. Cornelius

Although a notable body of work has emerged describing gay male speech (GMS), its overlap with African American language (AAL) remains comparatively understudied. This chapter explores the assumption of whiteness that has informed research on gay identity and precluded intersectional considerations in sociolinguistic research. Examining the importance of racial identity, particularly Blackness, to the construction of gay identity in the United States, the chapter investigates the treatment of GMS as white by default, with the voices of gay men of color considered additive. The desire vs. identity debate in language and sexuality studies contributed to an understanding of gay identity as community-based practice, thereby laying a necessary framework for the study of GMS. However, this framework led to a virtually exclusive focus on white men’s language use. Although efforts to bring a community-based understanding to gay identity have been groundbreaking, the lack of consideration of intersectionality has erased contributions to GMS from racially based language varieties, such as AAL.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147447402098725
Author(s):  
Susanne Frank

Since 2000, the City of Dortmund has pursued an ambitious flagship project in the district of Hoerde. On the enormous site of a former steel plant, and in the middle of an impoverished working class district, a large new upper-middle class residential area (Phoenix) has been developed around an artificial lake. Qualitative fieldwork suggests that the project has generated mixed feelings among longtime working class dwellers in the old part of Hoerde. Widespread enthusiasm about new lakeside living is interwoven with emotions of sadness and loss, reflecting a neighborhood transformation which unmistakably demonstrates their social, cultural, and political marginalization – feelings that were not allowed to become part of the jubilant official discourse which has marketed the Phoenix project as a shining example of the City’s successful post-industrial structural change. Ever since its announcement, the project has been blamed for triggering gentrification processes – despite the fact that there are still no empirical signs of rising rents or displacement. I argue that the concept of gentrification has been taken up so readily because it is popular, polyvalent, polemical, and critical, enabling citizens to find a language to denounce the blatant social inequalities and power imbalances that competitive urbanism has fostered in Dortmund. However, I also claim that the core of the prevailing sadness – the loss of the familiar neighborhood which could not be grieved over – remains under the radar of standard gentrification discourse. The article thus proposes neighborhood melancholy as a concept to account for the unclear, subconscious, and deeply ambivalent ways in which long-established residents experience their neighborhood’s transformation, expressed within the rubric of gentrification.


Urban Studies ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 1041-1061 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy C. Pratt

This paper seeks to examine critically the role of culture in the continued development, or regeneration, of `post-industrial' cities. First, it is critical of instrumental conceptions of culture with regard to urban regeneration. Secondly, it is critical of the adequacy of the conceptual framework of the `post-industrial city' (and the `service sector') as a basis for the understanding and explanation of the rise of cultural industries in cities. The paper is based upon a case study of the transformation of a classic, and in policy debates a seminal, `cultural quarter': Hoxton Square, North London. Hoxton, and many areas like it, are commonly presented as derelict parts of cities which many claim have, through a magical injection of culture, been transformed into dynamic destinations. The paper suggests a more complex and multifaceted causality based upon a robust concept of the cultural industries as industry rather than as consumption.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 1365-1370
Author(s):  
Vesna Stefanovska

Left realism emerges in the early 1980s as a separate department, or direction within the neo-Marxist critical criminology. It results from dissatisfaction and certain criticisms of the foundations on which critical criminology is built, which left realists call left idealism. Namely, they are called realists because, in their view, crime should be considered in its reality, and the causes that led to criminal behavior should be seriously looked at, which means that leftist realists focus on already experienced realities. Hence, the issues of interest to left realists are the problems faced by certain groups regarding their age, class, sex, race and place of residence. They have some similarities with structural subcultural theories, arguing that crime is a form of subcultural adaptation to lived problems and realities. The basis is that due to material constraints and circumstances, the required cultural goals and aspirations cannot be achieved by legally disposable means. The central postulate of left realism is to reflect the reality of crime, in its origin, nature and influence. This means that crime cannot be romanticized or it cannot be explained as a product of the offender's pathology or other personal characteristics. Real problems related to the crime need to be considered and resolved. In this respect, the issues of left realism are the problems that citizens face, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the geographical distribution of crime, as well as the prevalence of crime in certain social areas and sectors of the community. They are particularly concerned about ignoring the crime that is taking place on the streets by truly disadvantaged and marginalized citizens, as well as the crime that takes place behind closed doors, particularly in the family. So, the perspectives of the left realists are that street crime is a serious problem for the working class, working class crime is primarily committed against other working class members, relative poverty feeds the dissatisfaction and that dissatisfaction, in the absence of political solutions creates crime, and crime can be reduced by implementing practical social policies.On the basis of what has been stated, in this paper we will elaborate the critiques of critical criminology stated by the proponents of Left Realism , a Square of crime that offers appropriate solutions for criminal and social response to crime and perspectives of left realism that predominantly rely on community-based policies.


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