Rethinking ‘Peace’ in International Law and Politics From a Queer Feminist Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 126 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Dianne Otto

What does peace mean in today’s world of endless wars? Why has the project of ‘universal peace’, so ardently hoped for by the drafters of the UN Charter in 1945, failed so profoundly? I reflect on these questions through three stories of peace. The first is told by a series of four stained-glass windows in the Peace Palace in The Hague; the second is of the world’s demilitarised zones; and the third of a peace community in Colombia. These stories provide a springboard to reflect on how we might rethink peace in the context of today’s world, drawing on feminist, queer and postcolonial analyses. My discussion exposes the limits of the UN Charter’s approach to peace, and the impossibility of its methods ever achieving ‘universal peace’. The Charter’s reliance on militarism and collective enforcement, as well as its commitment to peace as an evolutionary process, maintain rather than dismantle global hierarchies of domination. I also question the dualism of war and peace, which obscures much of the violence of what we call peace. The task of rethinking peace is urgent. To do so we need to go beyond the worlds we know, beyond the confines of law and the inevitability of quotidian hierarchies of gender, sexuality and race, to invent new methods of peace-making, outside the ‘frames of war’.

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (S1) ◽  
pp. 1-56

The Conference on the Limitation of Armament at Washington adopted at its sixth plenary session on the 4th February, 1922, a resolution for the appointment of a Commission representing the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan to consider the following questions:(a) Do existing rules of international law adequately cover new methods of attack or defence resulting from the introduction or development, since The Hague Conference of 1907, of new agencies of warfare?(b) If not so, what changes in the existing rules ought to be adopted in consequence thereof as a part of the law of nations?


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Luis Navarro Ardoy ◽  
Alba Redondo Mesa

This paper studies the national projects defended by Spanish political parties on the basis of the image they project in relation to women’s roles. To do so, we start with a critical review of nations and welfare states as masculinized projects, and from this we design a strategy based on the analysis of the manifestos issued by each political party in 2020 on International Women’s Day. The results obtained reflect the existence of three different ways of understanding the nation from a gender perspective: the first bloc, formed by the two conservative parties, PP and VOX, reproduces the nation by basing their discourse on gender inequalities, with a great weight of care for women; the second, formed by the most progressive parties (IU and Podemos), is situated in a clearly feminist perspective; the third, formed by the PSOE, shows a mixture of ideas that is reflected in considering both sexes as political subjects of feminism, and in presenting a discourse of the liberal and socialist current.


1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Garner

When the World War, in which aircraft was employed for the first time on an extensive scale as an instrument of combat, broke out, there were few conventional rules and naturally little or no customary law in existence governing the conduct of hostilities in the air. There was, to be sure, the declaration prohibiting for a period of five years the launching of projectiles and explosives from balloons or by other new methods of a similar nature, signed at The Hague in 1899 and renewed in 1907 for a period extending to the close of the third peace conference. Since the third conference has never been convoked, the declaration may be regarded as still binding onthe states which have ratified it, in a war in which both or all the belligerents are contracting parties. But it is significant that only about half the states represented at the second conference signed the declaration, and among those which did not were Germany, France, Russia, Spain and Italy. It thus happens that the principal military states of Europe are not parties to it and its value therefore is slight. In consequence of the so-called “solidarity” clause it was not binding upon any of the belligerents during the World War, not even upon those which had ratified it.


Author(s):  
Marco Bocchese

Abstract This article investigates the stark variation in elite appraisals of the performance of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Based on an online survey of diplomats posted to the UN headquarters, this article determines which country situations under ICC scrutiny respondents regard as successes or failures and, in turn, what parameters underpin their views. It also asks about negative cases; that is, country situations that never made it to The Hague due to political considerations. This article makes a two-fold contribution to the study of international law and politics. First, it shows that diplomats conceptualize international justice in terms of ongoing prosecutions and convictions obtained. Thus, they downplay indirect effects such as positive complementarity. Interestingly, scholars and diplomats agree on the court’s fiascos, yet dissent on successes. Finally, diplomats have proved tired of political considerations obstructing international justice. Survey data reveals that they want the court to investigate situations involving major powers.


Author(s):  
Labeeb Bsoul

This article aims to shed light on a particular area in the field of Islamic International law (siyar) treaty in Islamic jurisprudence. It addresses a comparative view of classical jurists of treaties both theoretically and historically and highlights their continued relevance to the contemporary world. Since the concept of treaty a lacuna in scholarship as well as the familiar of international legal theorists to study and integrate the Islamic treaty system into the body of modern international law in order to have a mutual understanding and respect and honor for treaties among nations. I would like to present a series of three parts the first one addresses the concept of treaty in Islamic jurisprudence the second addresses the process of drafting treaties and their conclusion and the third addresses selected treaties, including the treaty of H{udaybiya that took place between Muslims and non-Muslims..


1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 674-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hunter Miller

The Conference for the Codification of International Law which met at The Hague from March 13 to April 12, 1930, was the first international conference specifically called for that purpose.In 1924 the League of Nations set up a Committee of Experts for the progressive codification of international law. The task of that committee was to select and propose for the first conference on codification a certain number of subjects within the field of international law. Three subjects, namely, Nationality, Territorial Waters and The Responsibility of States for Damage Caused in Their Territory to the Person or Property of Foreigners, were finally agreed on as the subjects to be considered by the first conference.


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