scholarly journals Partisan Fractures in U.S. Federalism’s COVID-19 Policy Responses

2021 ◽  
pp. 0160323X2098684
Author(s):  
John Kincaid ◽  
J. Wesley Leckrone

The comparatively poor U.S. response to COVID-19 was not due to federal inaction or a flawed federal system per se but to party polarization and presidential and gubernatorial preferences that frustrated federalism’s capacity to respond more effectively. The U.S. response is examined in terms of four models: coercive or regulatory federalism, nationalist cooperative federalism, non-centralized cooperative federalism, and dual federalism--finding that state-led dual federalism was the predominant response. The crisis also raised questions about interpretations of “federal inaction” because party divisions led some to regard the federal government’s response as inadequate while others viewed it as appropriate.

2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark D. Brewer ◽  
Mack D. Mariani ◽  
Jeffrey M. Stonecash
Keyword(s):  

1993 ◽  
Vol 27 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 71-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Weber ◽  
G. Schneider

Industrial effluent regulations in Israel can be promulgated pursuant to four statutory sources. No clear boundaries delineating the scope of these laws exist, and some of them are neither environmental nor water laws per se. The resulting legal situation is one of confusion, duality and even contradiction both institutionally and substantively. A revision in the Israeli approach towards the regulation of industrial effluent is proposed, taking into consideration some elements of the U.S. Clean Water Act. Ideas are presented for setting up jurisdictional boundaries between the local and central government authorities to differentiate between organic loads and hazardous materials. In addition, the paper calls for criteria and discretionary limits on the setting up of permit conditions and enactment of regulations as well as the need for improvement of existing effluent criteria.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathias Risse

AbstractIn July 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo launched a Commission on Unalienable Rights, charged with a reexamination of the scope and nature of human rights–based claims. From his statements, it seems that Pompeo hopes the commission will substantiate—by appeal to the U.S. Declaration of Independence and to natural law theory—three key conservative ideas: (1) that there is too much human rights proliferation, and once we get things right, social and economic rights as well as gender emancipation and reproductive rights will no longer register as human rights; (2) that religious liberties should be strengthened under the human rights umbrella; and (3) that the unalienable rights that should guide American foreign policy neither need nor benefit from any international oversight. I aim to show that despite Pompeo's framing, the Declaration of Independence, per se, is of no help with any of this, whereas evoking natural law is only helpful in ways that reveal its own limitations as a foundation for both human rights and foreign policy in our interconnected age.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 878-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Carson ◽  
Michael H. Crespin ◽  
Charles J. Finocchiaro ◽  
David W. Rohde

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279
Author(s):  
Andrew HARDING

AbstractThis article is based on a case study of the developing process of devolution of powers in Sarawak as an aspect of the operation of cooperative federalism in Malaysia. The argument developed is that devolution can be seen and used in conjunction with and in reinforcement of federalism, rather than being simply an alternative method of decentralizing powers. The study finds that this approach may be more promising than a more confrontational approach based on arguments around the fulfilment of the original federal bargain, and is also potentially more open-ended and creative (a process rather than an event), embracing issues within the federal bargain but also issues that are not dealt with in that bargain. The study is based on a unique opportunity to canvass the views of Sarawak leaders at the iteration of the devolution process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Preeti Pant

After a marathon debate on Goods and Services Tax (GST) bill finally India witnessed the biggest tax reform after her independence. At the midnight of 30th June, 2017 GST was launched and legally enforced by the Indian Government. It is the biggest tax reform in independent India in last 70 years and will help to modernise Asia’s third largest economy. GST is passed to imply the principle of “One Nation One Tax”. GST has oriented the Indian federal system from fiscal federalism to cooperative federalism. It is replacing the multiple layers of complex taxation currently existing in India and expected to result in simplification of indirect tax structure (at both Centre and State level). Present article includes several aspects of GST. A sincere effort has been made to highlight the implications of GST for government, industries and consumers along with its probable effects on the economy. Besides, practical difficulties related to GST have also been discussed in brief.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Raymond Duncan

The October 1983 crisis in Grenada left little doubt that the Soviet and Cuban presence had been expanding in the Caribbean basin. But the October crisis did not answer questions regarding the extent of their actual influence there, nor the direction it might take in the future, nor even what the most appropriate U.S. policy responses should be to that influence elsewhere in the region. Therefore, in the wake of the U.S. occupation of Grenada and the evidence it uncovered about the degree of Soviet and Cuban activity there, it is useful to examine the kind of situations that have encouraged the Soviets to expand their presence and/or influence in Latin America. At the same time, it equally is useful to examine the limitations or constraints on such an expanded presence or influence.Clearly, Soviet policy in Latin America has been the product of two conflicting forces or tendencies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuo Ueda

As the U.S. economy works through a sluggish recovery several years after the Great Recession technically came to an end in June 2009, it can only look with horror toward Japan's experience of two decades of stagnant growth since the early 1990s. In contrast to Japan, U.S. policy authorities responded to the financial crisis since 2007 more quickly. Surely, they learned from Japan's experience. I will begin by describing how Japan's economic situation unfolded in the early 1990s and offering some comparisons with how the Great Recession unfolded in the U.S. economy. I then turn to the Bank of Japan's policy responses to the crisis and again offer some comparisons to the Federal Reserve. I will discuss the use of both the conventional interest rate tool—the federal funds rate in the United States, and the “call rate” in Japan—and nonconventional measures of monetary policy and consider their effectiveness in the context of the rest of the financial system.


Worldview ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-9
Author(s):  
Jeremiah Novak

Back in 1979 talk began about stationing Pershing missiles in Europe as a way of renewing Washington's time-worn pledge to its NATO allies and of preventing the U.S. from “decoupling” in Europe. This had the effect of opening a lively debate in foreign policy circles about the missiles per se as well as about the three-decade-old North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Congress took a serious interest, as did the peace movement in Europe. Yet not long ago, when the USSR shot down a Korean civilian airliner, the debate stopped. Such underlying issues as whether NATO should continue in its present form or indeed should exist at all never reached public consciousness.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document