The digital ephemeral turn: queer theory, privacy, and the temporality of risk

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (8) ◽  
pp. 1069-1087 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Haber

Social media’s shift from storing media permanently by default, to supporting increasingly diverse temporalities of display and interaction has important implications for understanding the political economy of the digital. In this article, I use queer theory to complicate the normative dimensions of the privacy discourses that popularly frame digital ephemerality, suggesting instead that we understand the ephemeral as redistributing the pleasures and dangers of risk. To demonstrate, I do a close reading of the functions, design choices, and aesthetics of popular digital communication platforms, which increasingly provide the affective texture and context for everyday life. Using Snapchat and Apple’s Find My Friends and iMessage as case studies, I highlight a profitable dynamic between promiscuous exposure and monogamous retrenchment.

Author(s):  
M. Safa Saraçoglu

This chapter focuses on the official correspondence between Vidin’s administrative council and the provincial capital, Ruse. These reports pertaining to events in Vidin County were a part of the political procedures of the local judicio-administrative sphere. As such, politics of local administration influenced the official correspondence and our understanding of the events in Vidin County. The writing of reports and petitions and other provincial administrative/judicial practices (such as interrogations) constituted a significant part of Ottoman governmentality. Those who could shape how the official correspondence was constructed gained advantage in local political economy. Such correspondence was an essential component of how provincial Ottoman government functioned; therefore, reports, petitions, false accusations, and interrogations became important tools for agents and groups who were engaged in hegemonic negotiations. Both elite and non-elite agents were able to utilize Ottoman governance to pursue their own strategies against other local agents or imperial government. People who refused to use these bureaucratic tools in making claims and negotiating were presented in this correspondence as defiant stubborn and violent. This perspective is critical of the state–society divide, as the case studies reveal a more complex singular government of state and society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Syed Shahiq Rizvi ◽  
Rundell Douglas ◽  
Owain D Williams ◽  
Peter S Hill

Abstract The uptake and implementation of universal health coverage (UHC) is primarily a political, rather than a technical, exercise, with contested ideas and diverse stakeholders capable of facilitation or resistance—even veto—of the policy uptake. This narrative systematic review, undertaken in 2018, sought to identify all peer-reviewed publications dealing with concepts relating to UHC through a political economy framing. Of the 627 papers originally identified, 55 papers were directly relevant, with an additional eight papers added manually on referral from colleagues. The thematic analysis adapted Fox and Reich’s framework of ideas and ideologies, interests and institutions to organize the analysis. The results identified a literature strong in its exploration of the ideologies and ideas that underpin UHC, but with an apparent bias in authorship towards more rights-based, left-leaning perspectives. Despite this, political economy analyses of country case studies suggested a more diverse political framing for UHC, with the interests and institutions engaged in implementation drawing on pragmatic and market-based mechanisms to achieve outcomes. Case studies offered limited detail on the role played by specific interests, though the influence of global development trends was evident, as was the role of donor organizations. Most country case studies, however, framed the development of UHC within a narrative of national ownership, with steps in implementation often critical political milestones. The development of institutions for UHC implementation was predicated largely on available infrastructure, with elements of that infrastructure—federal systems, user fees, pre-existing insurance schemes—needing to be accommodated in the incremental progress towards UHC. The need for technical competence to deliver ideological promises was underlined. The review concludes that, despite the disparate sources for the analyses, there is an emerging shared narrative in the growing literature around the political economy of UHC that offers an increasing awareness of the political dimensions to UHC uptake and implementation.


Author(s):  
Sotiria Theodoropoulou

This chapter introduces the questions that the book addresses. It explains the rationale and motivation of the book with reference to the existing literature on welfare state change and the political economy thereof, as well as within the context of recent policy developments. It then justifies the empirical approach and explains in more detail the rationale behind the selection of national case studies.


Author(s):  
Cameron McKenzie

An emerging critical theoretical framework, queer liberation theory attempts to understand the relationship between queerness and capitalism, and more specifically, anti-capitalist movements. It seeks to update and reinvigorate the structural analysis of the earlier gay/queer liberation movement (1960s and 1970s) with the benefit of the insights of queer theory and empirical queer experiences of neoliberal capitalism. Queer liberation theory recognizes and celebrates diverse sexual orientations and gender identities or expression, including essentialist identities such as gay, lesbian, and trans. Within a realist, structural framework, queer liberation theory is interested in how social movements can move beyond identity formation to produce progressive, structural change. To date, three main tenets of the theory have been noted: anti-assimilationism, solidarity across social movements, and the political economy of queerness. The use of the word “queer” signals a progressive, critical, sex-positive, anti-assimilationist, liberationist perspective as opposed to an assimilationist perspective that strives for respectability, acceptance, prestige, and monetary success on capitalism’s terms. The second tenet, solidarity across movements, is an attempt to transcend to the divisiveness of single-issue politics without sacrificing intersectionality. For example, queer liberation theory seeks to recognize, expose, and dismantle social structures that oppress all communities, albeit in different ways. The political economy of queerness refers to a class analysis of structural inequalities. A genealogy of queer liberation theory’s development shows where it reflects, incorporates, or rejects aspects of various theories including a social constructionist perspective, with its debates about essentialism and identities; social movement theory, with its political tensions between recognition and redistribution; queer theory, with its focus on fluidity and ambiguity; materialism, with the strengths and shortcomings of its class analysis; and intersectionality with its focus on a matrix worldview of interlocking systems of oppression; and feminist political economy, with its focus on social reproduction, but adequate recognition of queer sexuality. Indeed, feminist political economy offers something of a pink road map to discover what aspects of the economy will be important for queer liberation theory to explore. Feminist political economy is helpful in the development of queer liberation theory because it has long claimed sexuality and identity as legitimate, as opposed to frivolous, sites of scholarship and political struggle. Feminist political economy, like queer liberation theory, seeks to understand oppression based on sexuality in everyday life. However, the feminist political economy road map takes us only so far, because the focus of the analysis can be seen as gendered, and often cisgendered, lives. Queer liberation theory attempts to draw from these theories to better understand the relationship between queerness and capitalism and provide a basis for political action.


Author(s):  
Jane Desmond

This chapter analyzes the processes of transporting community-based dance practices to the stage, and argues that previously dominant formulations of “appropriation” are not complex enough to theorize this “political economy” of dance practices, practitioners, and audiences as dance forms move across cultural communities and onto the stage. Taking three disparate case studies as a way of thinking through these issues, this chapter investigates works by Twyla Tharp on Broadway, by Chuck Davis and his African American Dance Ensemble on stages in New York or Durham, NC, and Hawaiian hula performances in tourist venues and local halaus, or studios, to suggest that a more complex goal and sharper theoretical practice would be to literally track the political economy of dance practices, the accrual of monetary and cultural capital, and the ways that meanings change for performers and audience when dances move across cultural and commercial/non-commercial boundaries.


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