Discriminators of Migration Propensity among Black and White Men in the Middle and Later Years

1985 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
William F. Stinner ◽  
Brian L. Pitcher ◽  
Michael B. Toney
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Edin ◽  
Timothy Nelson ◽  
Andrew Cherlin ◽  
Robert Francis

In this essay, we explore how working-class men describe their attachments to work, family, and religion. We draw upon in-depth, life history interviews conducted in four metropolitan areas with racially and ethnically diverse groups of working-class men with a high school diploma but no four-year college degree. Between 2000 and 2013, we deployed heterogeneous sampling techniques in the black and white working-class neighborhoods of Boston, Massachusetts; Charleston, South Carolina; Chicago, Illinois; and the Philadelphia/Camden area of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. We screened to ensure that each respondent had at least one minor child, making sure to include a subset potentially subject to a child support order (because they were not married to, or living with, their child's mother). We interviewed roughly even numbers of black and white men in each site for a total of 107 respondents. Our approach allows us to explore complex questions in a rich and granular way that allows unanticipated results to emerge. These working-class men showed both a detachment from institutions and an engagement with more autonomous forms of work, childrearing, and spirituality, often with an emphasis on generativity, by which we mean a desire to guide and nurture the next generation. We also discuss the extent to which this autonomous and generative self is also a haphazard self, which may be aligned with counterproductive behaviors. And we look at racial and ethnic difference in perceptions of social standing.


Cancer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hari S. Iyer ◽  
Scarlett L. Gomez ◽  
Jarvis T. Chen ◽  
Quoc‐Dien Trinh ◽  
Timothy R. Rebbeck

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-82
Author(s):  
Joseph Cesario

Abstract This article questions the widespread use of experimental social psychology to understand real-world group disparities. Standard experimental practice is to design studies in which participants make judgments of targets who vary only on the social categories to which they belong. This is typically done under simplified decision landscapes and with untrained decision makers. For example, to understand racial disparities in police shootings, researchers show pictures of armed and unarmed Black and White men to undergraduates and have them press "shoot" and "don't shoot" buttons. Having demonstrated categorical bias under these conditions, researchers then use such findings to claim that real-world disparities are also due to decision-maker bias. I describe three flaws inherent in this approach, flaws which undermine any direct contribution of experimental studies to explaining group disparities. First, the decision landscapes used in experimental studies lack crucial components present in actual decisions (Missing Information Flaw). Second, categorical effects in experimental studies are not interpreted in light of other effects on outcomes, including behavioral differences across groups (Missing Forces Flaw). Third, there is no systematic testing of whether the contingencies required to produce experimental effects are present in real-world decisions (Missing Contingencies Flaw). I apply this analysis to three research topics to illustrate the scope of the problem. I discuss how this research tradition has skewed our understanding of the human mind within and beyond the discipline and how results from experimental studies of bias are generally misunderstood. I conclude by arguing that the current research tradition should be abandoned.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 93-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly G. Lockwood ◽  
J. Richard Jennings ◽  
Karen A. Matthews

Diabetes Care ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. P. Lowe ◽  
K. Liu ◽  
P. Greenland ◽  
B. E. Metzger ◽  
A. R. Dyer ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 779-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison M. Mondul ◽  
Corinne E. Joshu ◽  
John R. Barber ◽  
Anna E. Prizment ◽  
Nrupen A. Bhavsar ◽  
...  

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
Naomi N. Modeste ◽  
Curtis Fox ◽  
Malcolm Cort

The purpose of this study was to identify attitudes toward prostate cancer, screening practices and deterrents to early detection and treatment among Black and White men 40 years and older residing in San Bernardino and Riverside, California. Data was collected using a structured questionnaire developed and pre-tested among similar participants in the study. Two hundred and fourteen men participated in the study, of which 75% were Black and 25% White. The majority (53%) was between the ages of 40-50 years, and 74% were married. The study found that there was very little difference in socioeconomic status between Whites and Blacks. Most (34%) had a college degree, but more Whites (92%) had a personal family physician than Blacks (77%), and slightly more Whites (62%) than Blacks (57%) said that prostate screening was done regularly. Findings from this study should aid in the design and development of culturally appropriate programs that will detect prostate cancer in this population at an earlier stage when treatment is more successful.


ILR Review ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 302-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie L. Baldwin ◽  
William G. Johnson

When labor supply curves are upward-sloping, wage discrimination against black men reduces not only their relative wages, but also their relative employment rates. Using data from the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation, the authors estimate wage discrimination against black men and, for the first time, quantify the effects of that discrimination on the employment of black and white men. They find that 62% of the difference in offer wages to black and white men, and 67% of the difference in their observed wages, cannot be attributed to differences in productivity. Assuming that the unexplained wage differential is attributable entirely to employer discrimination, then the disincentive effects of wage discrimination reduced the relative employment rate of black men from 89% to 82% of white men's employment rate. Thus, wage discrimination and its employment effects resulted in a substantial transfer of resources from blacks to whites in 1984.


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