Sexual activism and ‘actually existing eroticism’: The politics of victimization and ‘lynching’ in Argentina

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-470
Author(s):  
Mario Pecheny ◽  
Luca Zaidan ◽  
Mirna Lucaccini
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Sexual Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Neoliberal Governance ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The One

Focusing on the case of Argentina, this text discusses two issues. The first refers to the tension between progress in feminist and LGBTIQ+ politics, on the one hand, and erotic-affective practices, that is, ‘actually existing eroticism,’ on the other hand. This tension is analyzed on two levels: first, through the construction of identities, theoretical perspectives, and political strategies in the sex-gender arena from a stance of victimization; and second, through examining new ‘normativities’ that resulted from the achievements by feminist and LGBTIQ+ movements in transforming their demands into laws and policies. The second issue calls attention to a particular form of political action: public shaming and what the authors refer to here as ‘lynching,’ which describes extreme methods of a sexual politics of victimization in a context of neoliberal governance.

scholarly journals Liberalism, Governmentality and Counter-Conduct; An Introduction to Foucauldian Analytics of Liberal Civil Society Notions

2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Potential Field ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Coercive Power ◽  
Historical Reality ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.

scholarly journals The Atmosphere of Democracy: Knowledge and Political Action

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-91
Author(s):  
Nico Stehr
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Behavioral Changes ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe leading scientists debating climate change increasingly view the relationship between knowledge and governance as an “inconvenient democracy.” On the one hand, the discrepancy between the knowledge of climate change and citizens’ commitments to behavioral changes amounts to the diagnosis of an “inconvenient mind”; on the other hand, the inertia of policies to capture progress in knowledge leads to the diagnosis of “inconvenient institutions.” The sense of political ineffectiveness felt especially among climate scientists provokes a strong disenchantment with democratic governance. As a result, some scientists propose that political action based on principles of democratic governance be abandoned. In my article, I argue that such a view is mistaken.

scholarly journals The Meaning of Radicalisation in Modern Social Pedagogy

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (Spec. Iss.) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
Ana Bogdan Zupančič
Keyword(s):  
Structural Change ◽  
Community Development ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Societal Issues ◽  
Social Pedagogy ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Realistic Option ◽  
The One

The article defines radicalisation as part of the processes of modern liberation, which are recognised in the interlacement of emancipatory potential in social pedagogy and mobilisation in the theory of community development. In parallel to this, we problematise the internally divided socio-pedagogical attitude, which, on the one hand, seeks to liberate, and on the other hand, is repeatedly caught in the preservation of existing “oppressive” power relations. In doing so, we consider the concerns regarding political action as the goal of “radicalising” social pedagogy, which indicate that in social pedagogy we have internalized collaboration as a democratic “norm” of solving social and other societal issues and thus accepted it as the only formally realistic option to achieve structural change.

scholarly journals Die aard van persoonstoename in Calvinia en omgewing: ’n pragmatiese beskouing

Literator ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-130
Author(s):  
F. Hendricks
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Pragmatic Analysis ◽  
Northern Cape ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

The nature of personal sobriquets in Calvinia and vicinity: a pragmatic perspectiveThis contribution focuses on the usage of personal sobriquets in the Northern Cape district Calvinia. Within the framework of a pragmatic analysis the article reflects, on the one hand, on the interaction between sobriquets and other name types and, on the other hand, on the way in which the identifying function, semantic nature and grammatical behaviour of sobriquets are intertwined. Existing studies on sobriquets from diverse theoretical perspectives are incorporated supportively and/or comparatively.

Clientelism, Law and Politics. Considerations in the Light of the Argentine Case

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Rivas
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The One ◽  
Empirical Approaches

AbstractThe purpose of this article is, on the one hand, to explain what clientelism is through a description of its characteristics in its current Argentinean form. On the other hand, it will evaluate clientelism from a legal and political point of view. In order to achieve these purposes, we will distinguish clientelism from legitimate politics, and then offer a critical evaluation in case there were any differences. Regarding the first objective, it will be necessary to resort to some kind of canonical definition, broad enough to grasp different clientelistic phenomena. Then, it will be possible to explain its Argentinean particularities, noting that it happens to be a specially interesting kind of clientelism because of its refinement and breadth. As to the second objective, we will oppose to the reasoning that equates clientelism and legitimate types of political action. We will argue that ordinary politics is different and that, in fact, this difference turns clientelism illegitimate. Criticism against clientelism may include empirical approaches but, as these only show deficiencies of a particular public policy, they lack the ability to be extended to other cases. Alternative criticism may be more interesting, but it will necessarily be weaker as it may only reveal a model of citizens and political relations upon which clientelism is grounded.

scholarly journals Political Movement By Apolitical Activist: Gezi Park Protests

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferihan Polat ◽  
Ozlem Ozdesim Subay
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

Gezi Park Protests leaving its mark in the June of 2015, is understood from so many perspectives by national and international academicians. On the one hand, some social scientists recognize this movement as apolitical action by analyzing the identity of activist, on the other hand, some of them claims that this movement is a political one by pointing out that the aim of the movement is against the Ak Party Government especially Erdoğan himself. This study aiming to understand Gezi Park Protests puts forward that having apolitical identity of activists is not enough to recognize the movement as apolitical one and also claiming that having political action cannot be explained by the idea that the movement is just against the Ak Party Government. This study justifying that this movement cannot be explained by the idea of domestic political conflict and separation as Turkey is a part of global capitalist order, focuses on dimensions of crossing national borders. Beyond the evaluation of Gezi Park Protests as an international conspiracy, interpretation of this movement as a part of the growing public protests against the system on a global scale is a more plausible perspective to understand the multidimensional social reality.

Anarchism in Deleuze

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-292
Author(s):  
Jernej Kaluža
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Practice Theory ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Other ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Basic Ideas ◽  
The One

In this article, we argue that Deleuze's philosophy could be understood as anarchistic in a specifically defined meaning. The imperative of immanence of thought, which we explicate mainly through the reading of Deleuze's Spinoza, on the one hand establishes indivisibility between theory and practice and on the other hand paradoxically orders disobedience. We argue for a thought that is immanent, adequate with its inner practice, for thought that cannot be forced. That is the basis on which we combine the reading of Deleuze, Spinoza, Nietzsche and some basic ideas from the contemporary anarchistic movement (Graeber) and the anarchistic tradition (Stirner). We do not try to argue for a certain form of political action. Our goal is to establish a field of thought, that is by its innermost ontological principles anarchistic: practice must be accompanied by its own theory. Adequate thought cannot be forced. This is a necessary condition for each consistent practice-theory.

Lagos Elite Women and the Struggle for Legitimacy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saheed Aderinto
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Sexual Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Paradoxical Situation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Illicit Sexuality ◽  
Prostitution Laws

This chapter focuses on Lagos elite women's sexual politics. Lagos elite women were the first to insert illicit sexuality into their long list of projects aimed at improving women's sociopolitical and economic visibility. Like the male nationalists, they expressed optimism that the 1940s prohibitionist regime would help curb the menace of prostitution, especially the trafficking of girls. With time, the elite women would be disappointed by the paradoxical situation resulting from anti-prostitution laws: on the one hand, they fulfilled the demand for policing prostitutes and controlling the influx of girls into Lagos, but on the other hand, they opened up new arenas for the violation of women's rights.

scholarly journals A Pragmatic Utopia? Utopianisms and Anti-utopianisms in the Critique of Educational Discourse

Paideusis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-50
Author(s):  
Christopher Martin
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Normative Reasons ◽  
Educational Justice ◽  
Educational Discourse ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This paper seeks to address what I claim are competing utopian and anti-utopian impulses within educational discourse aimed at formulating a just and fair conception of public education. On the one hand, there is a tendency to prescribe concrete utopias – normative blueprints that claim to portent how a redeemed public education will (and ought to) be. On the other hand, there is the tendency to prescribe material revolutions – strategic blueprints that dictate the kinds of political action that educators must undertake in order to bring about lasting social change. I argue that both of these approaches to formulating a just conception of public education are flawed for pragmatic as well as normative reasons. As a way of avoiding the pitfalls inherent to utopianism and anti-utopianism, I suggest that those of us interested in a just conception of education maintain our focus on a kind of pragmatic utopianism. While pragmatic utopianism requires that we abandon the notion that we can ever know what a redeemed public education will look like in its particulars, it does set out standards of deliberation that can increase the likelihood that we will be able to address issues of educational justice as they arise.

scholarly journals Politics of Silence: On Autonomous, Communicative and Aesthetic Silences

Pólemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-89
Author(s):  
Katariina Kaura-aho
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Aesthetic Practice ◽  
Active Communication ◽  
The One

Abstract The article analyses the political meaning of silence by reflecting on the communicative, autonomous and aesthetic function of silence in context of prevailing political speech systems. In the article, silence is interpreted as an active communication form, as an activist protest tactic and as an aesthetic practice. The article argues that silence can have a politically subversive function toward prevailing aesthetically organised speech systems.Conventionally, silence is devalued in Western societies that primarily celebrate the expressive and communicative capacity of verbal speech. In theorising about radically egalitarian politics, it is however crucial to note the various ways in which silence can be an important source of power. Silence holds the potential for certain active political change in current legal-political frameworks. On the one hand, silence can enable new communication forms and actualise alternative political solidarities and attachments. Also, the logic of oppressive speech systems can be resisted through silent political action. On the other hand, it is in an individual’s own practices of silence, ones that silent protests can bring about in their aftermath, where the sensibility of prevailing political speech orders can be rearranged. The article analyses these many meanings of political silence.

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