Clusters of history: US involvement in the Palestine question

Race & Class ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Pappe

US involvement in Palestine, which has been long and complex, has generated a massive historical record that needs to be understood in order to locate not only some of the origins of today’s tragic situation but also to chart possible paths to change. The power of AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobby, on US Middle East policy is well known; its background and relationship to the US fundamentalist Christian Right, less so. Starting from the nineteenth century, this article traces key elements and interests involved in the making of US policy, including AIPAC, the oil industry and the ‘Arabists’ of the State Department.

Author(s):  
Joseph Heller

This chapter debunks the myth that President Kennedy was the ‘father’ of the American alliance. Once he became predident he had to bow before the constraints of the state department, the Pentagon and the professional staff at the White House. he accepted the beliefs and assessments of Dean Rusk, the secretary of state and Robert McNamara, the secretary of defence. The US national archives show that American diplomats in the Middle East killed Kennedy’s idea of granting an American security guarantee to Israel. Any security they warned, would be followed by deeper Soviet involvement in the region. American commitment was limited to a presidential declaration of territorial integrity of al the regional states. Thus it was no surprise chief-of-staff Rabin failed to convince the US administration to provide a more cogent commitment to Israel.


Author(s):  
James W. Pardew

Early efforts to raise money for T&E falter. An international donor conference in Ankara, sponsored by the US and Turkey, also fails to secure funding. President Clinton dispatches Presidential Advisor Mack McLarty to the Middle East in a successful effort to raise funds in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait. Pardew raises additional money from the Sultan of Brunei. The State Department sets up an elaborate financial structure to account for donor money and to reduce the potential for corruption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-33
Author(s):  
Jameel Haque

This article uses archival sources from the US State Department to examine conflicts that arose between American archaeologists and the Ottoman state during the years 1899 to 1905 in Ottoman Iraq (Mesopotamia). While contextualising many of the practices of Western archaeologists, this article examines two conflicts that emerged between the American digs at Niffur and Adab and the Ottoman Imperial Museum. The article both augments and disputes aspects of Craig Crossen’s article ‘The Sting at Adab’, published in the Spring 2013 issue of Anthropology of the Middle East. This article’s main contribution is to argue that conflicts that emerged surrounding antiquities demonstrate the growing strength/maturity of the Ottoman state apparatus and the implementation and continuation of nineteenth-century governmental reforms known as the Tanzimat.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-65
Author(s):  
Kardo RACHED ◽  
Salam ABDULRAHMAN

Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.


Significance Taiwan-US relations got a symbolic boost when the US government opened a new 250-million-dollar institute to house the de facto embassy in Taipei, Taiwan's capital, on June 12. President Tsai Ing-wen, and a US delegation that included representatives from Congress and the State Department, attended the opening ceremony. It may have received greater attention and perhaps higher-ranking US representation had the first US-North Korea summit not been scheduled for the same day. Impacts Taiwan's president will be constrained from improving China ties by anti-China sentiment at home. More businesses could come under Chinese pressure as cross-Strait relations deteriorate further. Taiwan-US military cooperation will prompt more aggressive Chinese efforts to diminish Taiwan's standing and increase military intimidation.


Author(s):  
Oleg Okhoshin ◽  

The Middle East region is of particular importance to the United Kingdom, because control over it ensures international and energy security, reduces the threat of a migration crisis and meets the country’s geopolitical objectives, which are reflected in the concept of «Global Britain». B. Johnson’s government in the Middle East policy faced the problems of peaceful settlement of ethno-confessional contradictions and the socio-economic consequences of the «Arab Spring» and the terrorist activities of ISIS. Under these conditions, British diplomacy has developed a strategy that includes maneuvering between the foreign policy interests of the US and the EU in the Middle East and adapting to the transformation of regional socio-political systems


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 236-251
Author(s):  
I. V. Ryzhov ◽  
M. Yu. Borodina ◽  
T. V. Baranova

Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.


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