Newspaper news exposure predicts political participation

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Thorson ◽  
Scott Swafford ◽  
Eunjin (Anna) Kim

This study reports a survey of media use, political knowledge, and participation in local elections by people in three small Midwest communities. This study showed that newspaper political news exposure strongly predicted political participation, perceived importance of local municipal elections, and self-reported voting. It did not, however, predict knowledge about local government structure.

1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hampden H. Smith

Using data from 1972, 1976 and 1980 national election surveys, the study supports previous research showing newspaper readership relates strongly to both political knowledge and activity. Although there is a strong relationship for newspaper readership, there is none for viewing political news on television. Finally, the strong relationship between newspaper readership and political participation remains at different levels of social class and education.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110478
Author(s):  
Dam Hee Kim ◽  
Brian E. Weeks ◽  
Daniel S. Lane ◽  
Lauren B. Hahn ◽  
Nojin Kwak

Social media, as sources of political news and sites of political discussion, may be novel environments for political learning. Many early reports, however, failed to find that social media use promotes gains in political knowledge. Prior research has not yet fully explored the possibility based on the communication mediation model that exposure to political information on social media facilitates political expression, which may subsequently encourage political learning. We find support for this mediation model in the context of Facebook by analyzing a two-wave survey prior to the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In particular, sharing and commenting, not liking or opinion posting, may facilitate political knowledge gains.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolás Pineda Pablos

Resumen: Este trabajo hace una breve descripción comparada de los gobiernos y administraciones locales de la ciudad de Austin, Texas, y del municipio de Hermosillo, Sonora. El propósito que mueve la comparación es revisar el grado de autonomía y los lazos y vínculos de control existentes en cada gobierno local tanto con respecto a los niveles estatal y federal de gobierno como con la ciudadanía de cada lugar. De este modo se revisan los aspectos del concepto de gobierno local, de la base legal, de la conformación del máximo órgano de gobierno, del ámbito sustantivo de funciones, la estructura financiera de ingreso y gasto y la participación electoral. La conclusión general es que el municipio de Hermosillo se denota por un lado estrechamente atado y controlado por el gobierno estatal y federal y, por otro, con una débil relación con la ciudadanía local. Se aprecia, sin embargo, en el aspecto electoral una fuerte intencionalidad de cambio con base en la alta participación electoral existente en Hermosillo.Palabras clave: Política comparada, Autonomía política, Austin, Hermosillo, estructura de gobierno.Abstract:This work makes a brief comparative description of local governments and administrations of the city of Austin, Texas, and the municipality of Hermosillo, Sonora. The leading purpose is to review the extent of autonomy and control existing in each local government both in relation to state and federal governments and to local citizens. Thus the concepts of local government, legal base, the integration of the highest government unit, the range of substantive functions, financial structure of revenue and expenditure, and electoral participation are reviewed. The general conclusion is that the Hermosillo municipality shows up on the one side closely tied and controlled by state and federal governments and, on the other side, a very weak liaison to local citizenship. However a strong thrust towards change is perceived in the high extent of participation in local elections in Hermosillo.Palabras clave: Comparative politics, Political autonomy, Austin, Hermosillo, Government structure.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavol Minárik

As an instrument of smart governance, participatory budgeting has been implemented by several dozen of municipalities in the Czech Republic. This is in line with the trend in many European cities. The paper examines the implementation of participatory budgeting in Czech municipalities. It is observed that participatory budgeting is being implemented in the Czech Republic typically on a very limited scale. The particular aim of this paper is to analyze the relation of participatory budgeting to the traditional political participation in local elections. Following an examination of the extent in which the instrument is implemented in the Czech municipalities, statistical tools are used to relate implementation of participatory budgeting to several measures of traditional political participation, such as voter turnout and intensity of the political competition in municipal elections. The paper concludes that the implementation of participatory budgeting has very little relation to the traditional, electoral participation in the Czech Republic.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


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