Minority Representation and Reserved Legislative Seats in Romania

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald F. King ◽  
Cosmin Gabriel Marian
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Group Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minority Representation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
State Subsidies

Approximately 32 nations currently use reservation of legislative seats for minority voices, whether by race, ethnicity, language, religion, or territory. Romania has among the most extensive and complicated arrangement of reserved seats, with 18 different ethnic minorities currently provided special parliamentary representation. This paper addresses two key political issues: how is it determined that there exists a valid ethnic minority deserving of recognition with a reserved seat? What are the political consequences from the broad allocation of reserved seats? The paper understands a reserved legislative seat as a distributive good over which rival claimants assert contested title. The state has incentive to avoid controversial choices although this is not always possible. Incumbent interests have incentive to restrict competitive entry without appearing to violate the principles of open inclusion. As seen through the Romanian case, the regime consequence from this dynamic tends to be clientele politics, in which minority organizations emerge segmented, dependent, and relatively powerless, yet simultaneously satisfied that they can guarantee by means of state subsidies the foundations for group identity.

The Combination of Gender and Ethnic Quotas in Electoral Politics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie M. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Ethnic Minority Women ◽  
Multicultural Feminism ◽  
Ethnic Quotas ◽  
And Gender ◽  
National Legislatures

Around the world, countries are increasingly using quotas to enhance the diversity of political representatives. This chapter considers the histories and policy designs of ethnic and gender quotas that regulate national legislatures. Most countries with quotas target only one type of under-represented group—for example, women or ethnic minorities. Even in countries with both gender and ethnic quotas (called ‘tandem quotas’), the policies typically evolved separately and work differently. Women and ethnic minorities are treated as distinct groups, ignoring the political position of ethnic minority women. However, a handful of countries have ‘nested quotas’ that specifically regulate the political inclusion of ethnic minority women. The second half the chapter focuses explicitly on nested quotas. It lays out how nested quotas work, where and how they have been adopted, and the prospect for their spread to new countries in the future. The chapter concludes with reflections on the promises and pitfalls of nested quotas as a vehicle for multicultural feminism.

Cultivating the Art of Anxiety: Securitising Culture in China

China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 000944552110470
Author(s):  
Rudolf Fürst
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Security Concern

Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.

INVESTMENT AND INVISIBILITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-533
Author(s):  
Aaron Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
Justice System ◽  
Mixed Methods Research ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
The State ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political Distrust

AbstractDoes political distrust generate a desire to engage in the political process or does it foster demobilization? Utilizing a theoretical framework rooted in government experiences and a mixed-methods research design, this article highlights the racially contingent meaning of political distrust to show that both relationships exist. For Whites, distrust is tied to a perception of tax dollars being poorly spent, leading to increased political involvement as Whites to try to gain control over “their” investment in government. For People of Color, distrust of government is grounded in a fear of the criminal justice system, and thus drives disengagement by motivating a desire for invisibility in relation to the state. Ultimately, this finding highlights a previously unseen racial heterogeneity in the political consequences of distrust. Further, it demonstrates how the state perpetuates racially patterned political inequality in a time when many of the formal laws engendering this dynamic have fallen away.

scholarly journals POLITIK MODERAT: Studi Pemikiran Muhammad Sa’id Ramadhan al-Buthi

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Wahdini
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Revolution

This paper discusses the thoughts of Muhammad Sa'id Ramadhan Al-Buthi in the political field. Al-Buthi is a figure that is considered by some to be controversial because it is close to the Al-Assad regime, which in fact the majority of scholars hate the Al-Assad regime which is considered wrong. This paper is the result of a study of several literary literature relating to Al-Buthi's political conception. In this case Al-Buthi places more emphasis on moderation which leads to the unity of a country. His socio-political experience in the struggle over political issues in Suriah led him to very moderate thinking. His rejection of the revolution and more agree with reform because of the comparative advantage of the two. Al-Buthi emphasizes more on how moderate politics he prioritizes the creation of unity in the state of the nation so that its benefits for citizens are met. In addition to his rejection of extreme ways of politics he also placed women's representation as part of a government

The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan

1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvain Lourié
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Limited Extent ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Actual Settlement ◽  
Political Settlement

Though the United Nations has succeeded to only a limited extent in bringing about the actual settlement or adjustment of disputes and threatening situations that have been brought to its attention, it has achieved a considerable measure of success in its efforts to bring fighting to an end and to assist the parties in maintaining the cessation of hostilities to which they have agreed. In Indonesia, the United Nations was able to follow up its success in inducing the parties to agree to a cease-fire with a valuable assist in the negotiation of a final political settlement. In Palestine, however, the United Nations contribution has been largely limited to getting the states directly involved in the fighting to agree to a cease-fire, and then to armistice agreements. The political issues involved seem as far from resolution as ever. In dealing with the dispute between India and Pakistan over the State of Jammu and Kashmir, the United Nations has likewise found itself unable to get the parties to agree on a political settlement. Nevertheless, fighting has been brought to an end, and the United; Nations has played an important part in achieving that result.

‘In Italy we don’t have the means for illusion’: Grand opéra in nineteenth-century Bologna

2007 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
CORMAC NEWARK
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Civic Pride ◽  
Relative Status ◽  
Don Carlos ◽  
Grand Opera ◽  
Shed Light

ABSTRACTContemporary press reports of two important stagings of grand opéra in Bologna – Rossini’s Guillaume Tell (as Rodolfo di Sterlinga) in 1840 and the Italian première of Verdi’s Don Carlos in 1867 – shed light on some intriguing details of the beginning and culmination of the genre’s reception in Italy. Through the prism of local civic pride, they illuminate not only the national standing of the composers in question and the state of regional operatic production, but also the political issues of the day as they impinged – frequently in unexpected ways – on then-current debates about musical style and genre. In particular, when read alongside the pronouncements of Angelo Mariani (conductor in Bologna from 1860) and, above all, Verdi, they reveal that the role, provenance and relative status of the works’ visual aspect (apparently so integral to the development of grand opéra) figured surprisingly importantly in the complicated and often contradictory discourse on unity in the nation at large.

scholarly journals Reconceptualizing Political Knowledge: Race, Ethnicity, and Carceral Violence

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathy J. Cohen ◽  
Matthew D. Luttig
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marginalized Communities ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Nationally Representative

What is political knowledge? We argue that the traditional measure of political knowledge is limited, as it represents one domain of facts that people should know about American politics. This domain of knowledge is rooted in the liberal-democratic face of the state and neglects other political knowledge generated from the carceral face of the state. We argue that knowledge of carceral violence, especially against African Americans, represents a separate domain of knowledge that is particularly relevant to marginalized communities, especially black youth. Once we include carceral violence in our measures of political knowledge, established patterns of whites having more political knowledge than Blacks are reversed. Using a novel measurement strategy and based on a nationally representative survey of over 2,000 young people, we find that knowledge of carceral violence is distinct from measures of what has been called general political knowledge. Finally, we find that knowledge of carceral violence has distinct correlates from the standard knowledge battery and its relationship to political participation varies by racial group but tends to depress the political participation of African Americans. Our findings raise the question of what comprises relevant and important political knowledge today and for which communities.

Transnational Migration as a Small Windo on the Diminished Autonomy of the Modern Democratic State

1986 ◽  
Vol 485 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN O. HEISLER
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Transnational Migration ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Life Conditions ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Political Structures

The presence of large semi-settled foreign populations in Western societies is at once a symptom of and an exacerbating factor in the problematic governance of these states. Domestic and international constraints preclude the reversal of most of the unforeseen and undesirable social, economic, and political consequences that have flowed from the narrowly conceived, short-sighted policies that gave rise to the migrants' presence. The nature of the state in the host societies and the political structures and policy processes that characterize their governments account for the miasma in most of them. The nature of the less modern, less democratic state that typifies the countries of origin contributes to their present and even greater prospective policy binds and the problematic life conditions of many of the migrants. While it is expedient for each of the three classes of actors—receiving states, sending states, and migrants—to nurture the myth of return, learning to live with the resulting indeterminacy presents great challenges to all and may require, in particular, rethinking what modern democratic states are about.

scholarly journals Political Representation of Ethnic Minorities at Local Level: Factors, Context and Empirical Examples

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-373
Author(s):  
Martin Kryšpín Vimmr
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minority Representation ◽  
Frankfurt Am Main ◽  
Independent Variables ◽  
Dependent Variables

Abstract This qualitative comparative study examines all sorts of the factors which have influence on the political representation of ethnic minorities at a local level. Two dependent variables are analyzed on the four empirical cases: the level of proportionality of political representation and nature of political representation of ethnic minorities. Influence of three different independent variables is discussed further on. These variables are an electoral system, special measures for minority representation and electoral rights as all these variables could possibly have an effect on the level of political representation of ethnic minorities. The selected cases are the cities of Leicester, United Kingdom, the Finnish city of Espoo, Cluj-Napoca in Romania and Frankfurt am Main in Germany. All these cases have a substantial amount of citizens of different ethnic groups.

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