“Down with 1989!”: The Peculiar Right-Wing Backlash against 1968 in Poland

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-860 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Ost

This article is part of the special cluster titled Generation ’68 in Poland (with a Czechoslovak Comparative Perspective). Whereas much of the European right greeted the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 with a critique of its legacy, Poland’s ruling Law and Justice party was largely silent, both because 1968 did not usher in a counterculture and because the protests were directed against the communist party. And yet the Law and Justice party detests the legacy of 1968, for three reasons: 1968 was shaped by the left, ’68 activists and their values played a key role in the ensuing opposition, and because the right actually sympathizes with the communists of 1968, then dominated by nationalists. The right thus traditionally attacks the legacy of 1968 by attacking 1989 instead, when ’68’ ers played a central role and new left progressivism could finally emerge. That began changing early in 2018 when Poland’s parliament passed its Holocaust-speech law banning calumny against the “Polish Nation.” The resulting criticism brought 1968 back with a vengeance, with the right openly inhabiting the role of the national-communists, and beginning to attack Poland’s 1968 directly. Shedding new light on the diverse meanings of 1968 and the relationship of the right to national communism, the piece ends by looking at developments through Bernhard and Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory.

Author(s):  
Cem Özatalay ◽  
Gözde Aytemur Nüfusçu ◽  
Gülistan Zeren

The use of blood money by powerful people during the judicial process following different kinds of homicides (workplace homicides, state homicides, gun homicides and so on) has become commonplace within the neoliberal context. Based on data obtained from five cases in Turkey, this chapter shows, on the one hand, how the use of blood money serves as an effective tool in the hands of powerful people to consolidate power relations, particularly necropower, as well as the relationship of domination, which rests upon class and identity-based inequalities. The analysis indicates that the blood money offers made by powerful people allows them to minimize potential penalties within penal courts and also to keep their privileged positions in the social hierarchy by purchasing the ‘right to kill’. On the other hand, the resistance of the oppressed and aggrieved people to the subjugation of life to the power of death is analysed with a particular focus on the role of power asymmetries between perpetrators and victims and their unequal positions in the social hierarchy. This conflictual relationship, which we qualify as an expression of necrodomination, offers novel insights into Turkey’s historically shaped system of domination.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 573-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Norris

The resurgence in interest in authoritarianism has been linked to a rise in the acceptance of right-wing ideology and also restrictions on civil liberties, particularly in relation to surveillance and the right to privacy. Whilst we can observe simple correlations between these variables, the dynamics of threat are more complex to understand. The analysis reported here demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and the curtailment of civil liberties is moderated by the threat of terrorism. Using 2005 British Social Attitudes survey data, collected either side of the 7/7 bombings, comparisons between the pre-post samples indicate that the threat of terrorism activates authoritarian tendencies and reduces the protection of rights to privacy from government. Interestingly and importantly, reactions to terrorism in the form of a change in opinion regarding civil liberties for those scoring higher in authoritarianism remained almost constant between the two periods. The results provide support for understanding how minority opinions (removal of rights to privacy) can become majority views during times of threat.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Catá Backer

Abstract China’s new Charity Law represents the culmination of over a decade of planning for the appropriate development of the productive forces of the charity sector in aid of socialist modernization. Together with the related Foreign ngo Management Law, it represents an important advance in the organization of the civil society sector within emerging structures of Socialist Rule of Law principles. While both Charity and Foreign ngo Management Laws could profitably be considered as parts of a whole, each merits discussion for its own unique contribution to national development. Moreover, while analysis tends to focus on legal conformity of the Charity Law to the state constitution, little work has been done to analyze the relationship of the Charity Law to the political constitution of China. This essay seeks to fill that gap by considering the role of the Charity Law through the lens of the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. More specifically, the essay examines the extent to which the provisions of the Charity Law, and its underlying policies, contribute to the implementation and realization of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) Basic Line and in the context of the overall political policy of “socialist modernization which has served as the core of the political line of the ccp since the last decades of the 20th century. The essay is organized as follows: Section ii considers the specific provisions of the Charity Law, with some reference to changes between the first draft and the final version of the Charity Law. Section iii then considers some of the more theoretical considerations that suggest a framework for understanding the great contribution of the Charity Law as well as the challenges that remain for the development of the productive forces of the civil society sector at this historical stage of China’s development.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shri Krishan

Debates emanate from dualities, situations of conflict, contradictions and paradoxes. Modernity is a paradox of sorts. So too was the colonial experience. Contrary to popular belief, Gandhi looked at the Indian traditions and ways of life from the perspective derived from western modernist epistemology. Our attitude to modernity is bound up, consciously or otherwise, with our perspective on colonialism as the forerunner of modernity. The word ‘modernity’ has varied connotations. In the present context, it is to be understood, chiefly, as western Enlightenment modernity mediated through European colonialism. But the perception of Gandhi and V.D. Savarkar differed regarding western Enlightenment modernity as there were differences of opinion between them on almost every political and social issue and methods of struggle against colonialism. These differences were rooted actually in their understanding of modernity, its epistemologies and variants prevalent in Europe, their relevance for Indian context and national liberation struggle. Gandhi’s may appear to be rooted in indigenous traditions but he also inherited the ‘scientific temper’ and methods and weapons of struggle which ‘modern politics’ has brought to forefront in Europe and America. Savarkar, on the other hand, was influenced by the intellectual trends which forged the weapons for the Right-wing politics in Europe. Gandhi appears to be always open to dialogue even though his position may be very dogmatic on certain issues but Savarkar is free from ambivalences that resurface repeatedly in Gandhi. The reflection is to be found in their political, literary, philosophical and other discourses, providing contexts in which debates unfold concerning customs, laws, religions, languages, generations, regions and ends and means controversy. They underpin controversies over the relationship of the individual to the collective.


Populism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-139
Author(s):  
Tuukka Ylä-Anttila

Abstract This paper assesses the significance of social media for the Finns Party and the related anti-immigration movement from 2007 to the present day, in light of theories on the relationship of populism and social media. These include people-centrism, disenfranchisement, homophily, the attention economy, media elitism, and (lack of) communicative resources. Tracing the historical trajectory of the Finnish anti-immigration movement and the Finns Party, I argue that the Finnish case is an example of a movement being born online and using social media to build a political identity and strategically gain influence through a party, eventually transforming it from the inside out—rather than the party strategically using social media for its purposes, as is sometimes assumed in party-centric literature. While acknowledging the continued importance of parties, research on contemporary populist movements must take into account the political engagement of citizens facilitated by online media.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lufi Yuwana Mursita ◽  
Luciana Spica Almilia

Purpose This study aims to examine the causal relationship of subjective incentive schemes on counterproductive knowledge behavior. Besides, this study also identifies the moderating role of cognitive orientation on the relationship between those two variables. Design/methodology/approach This study used a 2 × 2 between-subjects laboratory experiment with accounting undergraduate students as the subjects. Findings Subjective-based incentive schemes reduce the tendency for counterproductive knowledge behavior. Also, the collectivist cognitive orientation negatively influences the behavior. However, cognitive orientation does not act as a moderator in the causal relationship of incentive schemes and counterproductive knowledge behavior. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is the first that investigates and finds the effect of inclusion of subjectivity in incentive schemes and the level of individual’s collectivism on the reluctance to share knowledge in the workplace. This study has also strived to reduce an overlapping between the concept of knowledge sharing and counterproductive knowledge behavior by applying the right basic concept during the experiment.


Author(s):  
Daur A. Abgadzhava ◽  

The article discusses the issues of risk and risk-reflection in modern societies. It also illustrates the role of the relationship of knowledge and power in the formation of ideas about risks and the importance of risk reflection in maintaining order. A modern society is viewed as a world formed on the basis of reflections and decisions. Risk reflections in risk management, understanding a situation and determining costs and benefits, are based on comprehensive knowledge provided by experts, professionals, authorities and, finally, the authorities. The configuration for exercising power is regulated by the configuration of knowledge or discourse, which controls the direction of information and the language that support and disseminate ideas that orient actors’ actions. Discourse determines awareness and an understanding of the risks that actors may face. The article notes that the problems are based on monopolization of the right to determine what is considered a risk as well as what is its scope and possibilities of implementation. In this regard, the discurse on risk for beneficiaries is the basis for public administration, as knowledge of risks and their negative consequences becomes a motive for responsible behavior, in which individuals otherwise interpret, control, and direct their behavior. The article concludes that by considering risks in a controlled order, the authorities legitimize them. Risks are viewed as a representation of reality and this allows for the ability to manage the risk’s impact. The regulatory function of power manifests itself indirectly, forming and transmitting knowledge and ideas. The purpose of power is a modification of behavior when an individual, acting independently, contributes to the achievement of the goals facing the power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Fredy Andrés Cruz - Vega ◽  
Luz Eliana Figueroa - Granados

The research makes it possible to recognize the judgments of the users who are enrolled in the zero to always family modality and, in turn, establish the relationship they give to the program in the training of their children. The use of qualitative research for this proposal contributes or it establishes the relationship of describing and giving points of view to problems of the social educational and experiential context, the primary objective was to determine the degree of use by users of the program from zero to always family modality, in the municipality of Pamplona. It can be said that the application of this research contributes in part to diagnosing from a personal point of view the impact generated by the program in the training of minors, evidencing in it the theoretical, political and real positions in order to make them aware of the importance of training of children. The instruments used for families in certain rural areas who are the objects of study were semi-structured interviews; validated by experts from the area, they managed to produce key information for the analysis and triangulation. Thanks to the analysis units and the categories established in the interview, it was possible to focus and provide solutions to the objectives set, demonstrating the perception that the beneficiaries of the program of zero They always have in relation to the operation in rural areas of Pamplona. With the information obtained it is clear to establish the conformity of the operation of the program in terms of the role of care for families, the training of minors and the integration of society is thus how the show is getting on the right tide.


Author(s):  
Igor' Vladimirovich Antonov

The object of this research is the political history of the Ulus of Jochi as a part of the Great Mongol Empire. The subject of this is the Eastern policy of Mengu-Timur – the 6th ruler of the Ulus of Jochi (1266-1282). The author examines such aspects of the topic as the relationship of Mengu-Timur with the rulers of the uluses of Hulagu – Abaga, Chagatay – Borak, Ugedei – Kaidu, decisions made by the representatives of the uluses of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei in Talas Kurultai. Special attention is given to the analysis of relationship between Mengu-Timur and the ruler of the Central Ulus of Kublai, who founded the Yuan Empire. Comparative analysis is conducted on the written sources and scientific works on the topic. The sequence of events is reconstructed in chronological order. The author agrees with his predecessors that Mengu-Timur became the first sovereign ruler of the Ulus of Jochi. The scientific novelty consists in the conclusion that entitlement of Mengu-Timur as independent monarch was not a decision of Talas Kurultai. In Talas Kurultai in 1269 Kaidu was recognized as the leader of the right wing of the Mongol Empire, which included the Ulus of Jochi, Chagatay and Ugedei. The relations with the Great Khan in Kurultai were not settled, and the independence of uluses was not proclaimed. In the early 1370s, Mengu-Timur was named qayan, i.e. the supreme ruler above the khan. In 1277, Kublai's sons Numugan and Kukju were caught by the rebels, who sent them to Mengu-Timur. He did not support the rebels, but kept the son of Kublai. Since that moment, Mengu-Timur did was not subordinate to Kublai or Haidu, did not interfere into the conflict between them, restraining both of them from military clashes. Although Mengu-Timur maintained peaceful relations with other uluses, he was qayan title was not recognized.


Author(s):  
Gavin Brown

Communists and members of the New Left were involved in the Anti-Apartheid Movement [AAM] from its origins in the Boycott Committee in the late 1950s. In its early days, the AAM welcomed support from individual communists, but was reluctant to be seen to be too close to the Communist Party. Nevertheless, members of the Communist Party of Great Britain [CPGB] played a significant role at all levels of the movement throughout its history. Fundamental to this was the relationship between the CPGB and the South African Communist Party [SACP] whose cadre played a central role in the exiled structures of the African National Congress [ANC]. In contrast to the CPGB, other left tendencies had more complicated relationships with the AAM’s leadership. This chapter examines the relationship of different far Left tendencies to the anti-apartheid struggle during the 1970s and 1980s.


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