Nationalist Imaginaries and Political Mobilization Against Global Extractive Capital

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1266
Author(s):  
M. Omar Faruque

Contemporary scholarship on neoliberal globalization and countermovement tends to focus on the global dimension of political struggles. The role of nationalist imaginaries in mobilizing grievances against neoliberal globalization receives little attention in this literature. This article probes these ideas using the case of NCBD, known for its political struggles against global extractive capital in Bangladesh. Drawing on critical globalization scholarship vis-à-vis the power of the state and the ability of countermovements to contest neoliberal globalization, the article analyzes how NCBD’s political imaginaries center on nature, nation, and the state to achieve its movement agenda. Based on qualitative data derived from a set of interviews and relevant organizational documents, it demonstrates the relevance of national scale as a movement site in mediating local and global questions for emancipatory political struggles. It explains how NCBD articulates nationalist imaginaries to mobilize a political vision of the “national” in an era of neoliberal globalism.

Author(s):  
Orlando Woods

This paper reframes the theory of religious economy by developing an understanding of the effects of transnational religious influence on religious marketplaces. In doing so, it highlights the need to rethink the role of regulation in shaping the ways in which religious marketplaces operate. By reinterpreting regulation as the ability of the state to control the extent to which religious groups are able to access resources, it argues that transnational religious networks can enable access to extraneous resources, which, in turn, can enable religious groups to subvert the regulatory prescriptions of the state. Transnational religious influences therefore highlight the porosity of religious economies and the problem of regulating religious marketplaces. Qualitative data are used to demonstrate how Singapore-based churches create and strengthen transnational religious networks with their counterparts in China. These networks enable religious groups to operate with a degree of independence and to overcome regulatory restrictions on (and other limitations to) religious praxis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ece Algan

Abstract Against the backdrop of struggles that local broadcasters in Turkey who advocate for Kurdish minority rights have endured, I discuss local broadcast journalists’ tactics for creating and maintaining programming that caters to the ongoing Kurdish conflict. Local ethnic broadcasting in Kurdish provinces has long strived to offer an alternative discourse than that of the state propaganda and to mobilize political support within and outside Turkey. In order to illustrate the role of Kurdish activist journalism in political mobilization, I analyze examples of local radio programming from 2010 to 2013, a period during which broadcasters in Kurdish provinces enjoyed relative freedom. I aim to illustrate the instrumentality of activist journalism in an authoritarian regime, and the ways in which local broadcasting is utilized as tactical media by both activist journalists and the community they serve.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-133
Author(s):  
Joseph Yaw Asomah

There is limited in-depth research focusing on how the state exerts power and its influence through immigration laws, policies and practices in structuring the relations of labour and capital in a manner that reflects capitalist interests. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the role of the state in fostering capitalist accumulation, using the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) as a case study, and to consider the implications for policy. This paper addresses these questions: What shapes and reproduces labour-capital relations with reference to SAWP? What are the repercussions of these relations, particularly on the international migrant workers? What should be the role of the state and law in transforming these relations? The paper draws on a constellation of insights from neoliberal globalization, segmentation of labour theory, and a conceptual overview of the role of the state in regulating labour-capital relations to illuminate the discussions. This paper helps broaden our current understanding of how the state faciliates capitalist accumulation in the agricultural sector in Canada through immigration policies and practices with reference to the SAWP. The paper therefore makes a contribution to the theoretical debates on the role of the state in the facilitation of capitalist accumulation in agriculture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bassant Hassib ◽  
James Shires

Abstract Cybersecurity, defined as the prevention and mitigation of malicious interference with digital devices and networks, is a key area of contest for digitalized politics, especially in uncertain and turbulent situations. Nowhere is this more starkly illustrated than in states such as Egypt, where the period since the January 2011 revolution has seen several changes of government and the subsequent consolidation of executive power, increasingly strict limits on free speech, and extensive violence by Islamist groups against the state and civilian targets and by the state against protesters and dissidents. How, then, are cybersecurity policies, practices, and technologies deployed and contested in uncertain political environments? The article argues that cybersecurity provides a way for the Egyptian government and opposition activists to “manipulate uncertainty” to their advantage. Each side uses cybersecurity policies, practices, and technologies to restrict their adversary’s scope for action, seeking to make the other more predictable while retaining or increasing their own freedom of action. In addition to providing extensive empirical data on cybersecurity developments in Egypt, the article makes two theoretical contributions. First, it shows how political struggles between state and opposition movements assimilate the influential language and content of cybersecurity, generating distinct cybersecurity politics. Second, it highlights the role of uncertainty as a driver—among others—of cycles of innovation and response in contentious politics, including those that center on cybersecurity.


Author(s):  
Muhammad ◽  
Syafei Ibrahim ◽  
Ismail

The Honorary Agency of Board has various roles in maintaining dignity in the interests of the state, nation and also every member of the board needs to be held responsible both in fact and in commission. Increased ability of Honorary Agency of Board to maintain dignity, especially prioritizing the interests of the state which is more oriented in the interests of individuals and groups in this case the bearer party to parliament. The method used in this study is qualitative, data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of documents that exist in Aceh House of Representatives. The results and conclusions of the study show that the role of Honorary Agency of Board in addressing the Behavior of Members of the Board of Aceh House of Representatives related to maintaining dignity, maintaining the honor and credibility of the board shows that The Honorary Agency of Board has a good role in terms of maintaining dignity for the interests of the State, Nation and prioritize a sense of responsibility in carrying out the mandate.


1964 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Richard A. Comfort

It is, perhaps, all too easy for the student of German political history to adopt the device of speaking of events in the capital city as if they could be taken to represent developments occurring on a national scale. But it is far less accurate to use Berlin in this way than it is to use, for example, Paris or London. For one must keep in mind that the federal structure of Germany was by no means a mere legal fiction. Local political issues and the local organizations of the national parties retained considerable importance throughout the Weimar period. Indeed, one could well argue that in a number of instances, especially in the early years of the Republic, local political struggles were decisive for the formation of national policies.


Sociology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 940-956 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergej Ljubownikow ◽  
Jo Crotty

This article examines Russian human service non-profit organisations (NPOs) to investigate the nature of civil society in a managed democracy. Specifically the focus is on emerging vertical ties between NPOs and ruling and governing elites. Drawing on qualitative data collected from health and education NPOs in three industrial regions, we find that in establishing such vertical ties the role of organisations and individuals within is changing – they have moved away from ignored outsiders towards accessing the circles of power and being tasked with managing the boundary between the state and civil society. In exploring these arrangements this article highlights that in the post-Soviet space, NPOs and the state are closely intertwined resembling co-optation. As a result the democratisation potential of human service NPOs is constrained. In discussing these insights we also draw parallels to contexts in which the state has outsourced welfare service to human service NPOs.


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