scholarly journals The Role of Honorary Agency of Board on Aceh House of Representatives (A Study of Policy Implementation Based on Aceh's DPR Regulation Number 02 of 2016 concerning the Ethics Code of the Aceh House of Representatives)

Author(s):  
Muhammad ◽  
Syafei Ibrahim ◽  
Ismail

The Honorary Agency of Board has various roles in maintaining dignity in the interests of the state, nation and also every member of the board needs to be held responsible both in fact and in commission. Increased ability of Honorary Agency of Board to maintain dignity, especially prioritizing the interests of the state which is more oriented in the interests of individuals and groups in this case the bearer party to parliament. The method used in this study is qualitative, data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of documents that exist in Aceh House of Representatives. The results and conclusions of the study show that the role of Honorary Agency of Board in addressing the Behavior of Members of the Board of Aceh House of Representatives related to maintaining dignity, maintaining the honor and credibility of the board shows that The Honorary Agency of Board has a good role in terms of maintaining dignity for the interests of the State, Nation and prioritize a sense of responsibility in carrying out the mandate.

Author(s):  
Yogi Maron ◽  
Ismansyah Ismansyah ◽  
Azmi Fendri

<p align="center"> </p><p><em>As happened to the Notary Eli SatriaPilo, S.H, Mkn, who was appointed as the Notary who made the Deed of Relinquishment of Land Rights in the Land Acquisition activities for the Construction of Campus III of the State Islamic Institute (IAIN) of Padang which was located in Sungai Bangek District, Padang</em><em> </em><em>in 2010. The method used was descriptive, in which describing the applicable legislation associated with legal theory in the facts and realities about the Notary’s Responsibility in Making Deed of Land Acquisition for the construction of Campus III of IAIN Padang in Sungai</em><em> </em><em>Bangek. This study used a Normative Juridical approach, in which researching by using and processing secondary data or literature related to the</em><em> </em><em>study. The data collected were in the form of primary data obtained from the District Court of Padang, secondary data obtained from secondary legal materials and primary legal materials. Based on the study, it was found that the role of Notary Eli</em><em> </em><em>Satria</em><em> </em><em>Pilo, in the land acquisition of campus III IAIN was proven to have misused the authority resulting in violation of the Notary Ethics Code and was responsible for accepting termination disrespectfully. Furthermore, he was also shown to be committing a Criminal Corruption made based on the Deed of Relinquishment of Land Rights in the land acquisition for the construction of Campus III of IAIN Padang, so that the State incurred losses of Rp. 1</em><em>.</em><em>946</em><em>.</em><em>701</em><em>.</em><em>050 (one billion nine hundred forty-six million seven hundred one thousand and fifty rupiahs). And he was responsible for receiving and carrying out the sentence that had been handed down by the District Court of Padang, a prison sentence of 4 (four) years, and paying a fine of Rp. 200</em><em>.</em><em>000</em><em>.</em><em>000 (two hundred million rupiahs)</em><em>.</em></p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Orlando Woods

This paper reframes the theory of religious economy by developing an understanding of the effects of transnational religious influence on religious marketplaces. In doing so, it highlights the need to rethink the role of regulation in shaping the ways in which religious marketplaces operate. By reinterpreting regulation as the ability of the state to control the extent to which religious groups are able to access resources, it argues that transnational religious networks can enable access to extraneous resources, which, in turn, can enable religious groups to subvert the regulatory prescriptions of the state. Transnational religious influences therefore highlight the porosity of religious economies and the problem of regulating religious marketplaces. Qualitative data are used to demonstrate how Singapore-based churches create and strengthen transnational religious networks with their counterparts in China. These networks enable religious groups to operate with a degree of independence and to overcome regulatory restrictions on (and other limitations to) religious praxis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1251-1266
Author(s):  
M. Omar Faruque

Contemporary scholarship on neoliberal globalization and countermovement tends to focus on the global dimension of political struggles. The role of nationalist imaginaries in mobilizing grievances against neoliberal globalization receives little attention in this literature. This article probes these ideas using the case of NCBD, known for its political struggles against global extractive capital in Bangladesh. Drawing on critical globalization scholarship vis-à-vis the power of the state and the ability of countermovements to contest neoliberal globalization, the article analyzes how NCBD’s political imaginaries center on nature, nation, and the state to achieve its movement agenda. Based on qualitative data derived from a set of interviews and relevant organizational documents, it demonstrates the relevance of national scale as a movement site in mediating local and global questions for emancipatory political struggles. It explains how NCBD articulates nationalist imaginaries to mobilize a political vision of the “national” in an era of neoliberal globalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1043-1066
Author(s):  
Zhiyuan Wang

The extant literature views the decision to protect women’s economic rights as made by firms and neglects the role of the state. This study argues that states are pressured to improve the protection of these rights by enacting gender parity–promoting policies in response to similar policy choices by their economic competitors, resulting in a specific type of policy interdependence—the upward policy convergence. Additionally, this convergence should be stronger in laws than in practices because some states continue to benefit from women-suppressing policies, and because improving laws is less costly than improving policy implementation. Using newly coded global data from 1999 to 2009 on women’s economic rights that distinguish between laws and practices, spatial econometrical analyses support these conjectures. Essentially, this study shows that the race to the bottom is not the sole consequence of globalization, a climb to the top is possible as well when we look closer and more carefully. In other words, trade and capital dependence can generate positive policy gains too.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-180
Author(s):  
Mei Susanto

In the budgeting process, generally accepted the executive has a role in drafting the state budget and then presenting it to the legislature. The legislative bodies have the right to discuss, debate, and even in some cases make amend, then give approval or rejection of the executive's state budget proposal. The right of the legislative bodies in practice will different, there are three forms: budget making, capacity to amend or reject the executive’s budget proposal and capacity to formulate a budget of its own; budget influencing, capacity to amend or reject the executive's budget proposal, but lacks the capacity to formulate and substitute budget of its own; budget approving, lacks the capacity to amend or reject the executive's budget proposal or to formulate a budget of its own. This article discusses the role of Indonesian legislative bodies namely the House of Representatives (DPR) and the Regional Representative Council (DPD) in the budgeting process. DPR has a strong role in discussing, amend and accepting or rejecting but weak in the capacity to arrange its own budget so-called budget influence, compared DPD which only gives a consideration so-called budget approving. This article suggests a strong and balanced repositioning of the DPR and DPD roles, thereby creating double checks, budget revisions, delays in constitutional important, public debate and resulting in a favorable budget for the people. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity and supporting resources for the DPR and DPD in order to be equivalent to the executive in budget discussions so as to become the legislative budget making.AbstrakSaat ini, hampir di seluruh sistem ketatanegaraan di berbagai negara, secara umum disepakati bahwa lembaga eksekutif memiliki peran fundamental dalam menyusun draf anggaran negara untuk kemudian dipresentasikan kepada lembaga legislatif. Lembaga legislatif kemudian memiliki hak untuk membahas, memperdebatkan, dan dalam beberapa kasus melakukan perubahan, untuk kemudian memberikan persetujuan atau penolakan terhadap proposal anggaran dari lembaga eksekutif. Hak lembaga legislatif tersebut, dalam praktiknya akan berbeda-beda. Secara umum terdapat tiga bentuk hak lembaga legislatif di antaranya: budget making, legislatif memiliki kapasitas untuk menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif serta memiliki kemampuan memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri; budget influencing, legislatif memiliki kapasitas menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif namun lemah dalam memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri; dan budget approving, legislatif tidak memiliki kapasitas menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif termasuk memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri. Artikel ini membahas peran lembaga legislatif Indonesia yaitu DPR dan DPD dalam proses penganggaran. DPR memiliki peran kuat yakni membahas, mengubah, dan menerima atau menolak namun lemah dalam kapasitas menyusun anggarannya sendiri sehingga disebut budget influencing, dibandingkan DPD yang hanya memberikan pertimbangan sehingga disebut budget approving. Artikel ini menyarankan agar ada reposisi peran DPR dan DPD yang lebih kuat dan berimbang, sehingga akan dapat menciptakan pengawasan ganda, revisi penganggaran yang diperlukan, penundaan anggaran yang memiliki kepentingan konstitusi, debat publik, dan menghasilkan anggaran yang berpihak pada rakyat. Selain itu, diperlukan penguatan kapasitas dan sumber daya pendukung bagi DPR dan DPD agar dapat setara dengan eksekutif dalam pembahasan anggaran sehingga mampu menjadi lembaga legislatif pembentuk anggaran (budget making).  


Sociology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (5) ◽  
pp. 940-956 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergej Ljubownikow ◽  
Jo Crotty

This article examines Russian human service non-profit organisations (NPOs) to investigate the nature of civil society in a managed democracy. Specifically the focus is on emerging vertical ties between NPOs and ruling and governing elites. Drawing on qualitative data collected from health and education NPOs in three industrial regions, we find that in establishing such vertical ties the role of organisations and individuals within is changing – they have moved away from ignored outsiders towards accessing the circles of power and being tasked with managing the boundary between the state and civil society. In exploring these arrangements this article highlights that in the post-Soviet space, NPOs and the state are closely intertwined resembling co-optation. As a result the democratisation potential of human service NPOs is constrained. In discussing these insights we also draw parallels to contexts in which the state has outsourced welfare service to human service NPOs.


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