Settler governmentality in Canada and the Algonquins of Barriere Lake

2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 421-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Crosby ◽  
Jeffrey Monaghan

In September 2009, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper declared to the global media that Canada had ‘no history of colonialism’. Such expressions of the post-colonial Canadian imaginary are common, despite Canada’s dubious legacy of settler colonialism. This article uses Canada’s Access to Information Act to examine how mechanisms of security are mobilized against members of the Algonquins of Barriere Lake (ABL), whose persistent calls for sovereign control of their land and customary governance system have been translated by Canadian authorities into a security threat to settler society. Contributing to the literature on postcolonialism, as well as works on critical security studies and colonial governmentality, this article suggests that distinct rationalities underline colonial activities in settler states. The authors contend that the term ‘settler governmentality’ is more appropriate for settler states such as Canada, and they present the case study of the ABL to argue that (in)security governance of indigenous groups in Canada incorporates techniques that are necessarily grounded in a logic of elimination. The authors detail how an analysis of the interventions in the traditional governance of the ABL contributes to understanding recent security trends regarding ‘Aboriginal extremism’ and indigenous ‘hot spot’ areas in Canada, which are often framed as matters of ‘national security’.

Curatopia ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 244-261
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Labrum

This chapter considers social history in a post-colonial contest. It specifically examines how the history of the majority culture in a post-settler society has and might be curated. Using Aotearoa New Zealand as its case study, it considers the figure of the Pakeha (non-indigenous) curator in relation to, and also in contrast with, indigenous collections and displays. What does a history curator look like in a post-settler society? Does the history curator continue the mutual asymmetry that has characterised relations and curatorial endeavours? Or is there a way to recognise cross-cultural material histories? In considering the development of history, and specifically social history, it suggests that a more useful concept is material history, rather than historical material cultures studies. The rest of the chapter ranges across a broad range of material history, including fashion and clothing, and design, to consider how contemporary museums deal with everyday life and its material aspects in museums, which are still to a large extent focussed on discrete objects and forms of material culture, and which carry the burden of the historical development of their collections into a post-settler world.


Modern Italy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-348
Author(s):  
Claudio de Majo

In this article, I examine patterns of collective action in the South of Italy, a region where commons scholarship presents several challenges, mainly due to its feudal heritage. In analysing the history of Southern Italian commons, Elinor Ostrom's theories on polycentric governance are adopted. I propose a case study on the mountains of Sila, where collective action was institutionalised through a municipal organisation known as universitas casalium, consisting of the city of Cosenza and its hamlets. This institution collaborated with the royal government, creating a polycentric governance system where institutional functions contentiously intermingled, generating conflicting relations, but also unique governmental arrangements. Yet how did previous historical interpretations miss this point? Documentary evidence provides a clear answer: while the institutional recognition of the universitas casalium can be traced back as far as the twelfth century, a series of institutional reforms initiated in the mid-fifteenth century led to the progressive decline of the local institution and accordingly of the commons economy related to it. This loss of legitimacy derived from the emergence of feudal barons and later of landowners from the middle class, leading to the progressive dissolution of collective action in Sila as Italy moved towards Italian unification in 1861.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-203
Author(s):  
Michael Oloyede Alabi

This paper aims to trace the history of colonial urban planning in Nigerian cities, its legacies of urban design and beautification of the environment. In Nigeria the town planning institutional frame works was established under the colonial rule which persisted to the post colonial period. In this sense the colonial era was a phase in which European institutions and values systems were transferred to Nigeria, one of which is the concept of environmental beautification with the use of plants. An investigation is carried out on the influence of colonial rule on landscaping and urban design. Findings show that the introduction of deliberate landscaping to city planning have over the years systematically led to loss of valuable indigenous plants partly due to the introduction of exotic plants. These are plants that initially were seen as sources of cure for several ailments. There is therefore the need for a rethink as to the type of plants to be used for landscaping.


Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal

This book argues that while ‘security’ was once an anti-political ‘exception’ in liberal democracies – a black box of secret intelligence and military decision-making at the dark heart of the state – it has now become normalised in professional political life. This represents a direct challenge to critical security studies and securitisation debates and their core assumption that security is a kind of illiberal and undemocratic ‘anti-politics’. The book investigates security from the perspective of professional political practice - historically, sociologically and theoretically. Using an extended UK case study, including interviews with parliamentarians and former security ministers, it examines security politics from the early 1980s to the present day to show how its meaning and practice have changed over time. It explores the history of legislative/executive relations on security, including the reasons for parliamentary exclusion from security policy making such as executive secrecy and parliamentary deference. The book demonstrates that political activity on security has increased to such an extent that it requires a rethink of the assumed pathological relationship between ‘politics’ and ‘security’. Security has been migrating from the realm of exceptional politics to one of ‘normal politics’.


2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitriona Dowd

AbstractWhat explains the emergence of Islamist violence as a substantial security threat in such diverse contexts as Kenya, Mali and Nigeria? This article addresses this question through an exploration of the strategies of governance employed by states, and how these shape the emergence and mode of collective violence. Conflict research often emphasises the specificity of Islamist violence; but these conflicts can be understood as a form of political exclusion and grievance-based violence, comparable to other forms of political violence. Further, violent Islamist groups emerge from local conditions: the areas in which groups are established share similar local experiences of governance and political marginalisation; a history of violent conflict on which Islamist militants capitalise; and key triggering events expanding or reinforcing state exclusion. These findings challenge a narrative emphasising the global, interconnected nature of Islamist violence. This article pairs data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Dataset (ACLED) with Afrobarometer survey data and case study evidence to identify drivers of Islamist violence across three African countries.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 391
Author(s):  
Sumanto Al Qurtuby

<p>This article discusses the role of catholics, muslims, and civic associations in the global politics of the Philippines and Indonesia. The two countries have shared in common with regard to the geographical feature (both are archipelagic countries), the diversity of societies and cultures, and the history of colonialism, dictatorship, ethno-religious violence, and political movement, to name but a few. In addition to their similarities, both countries also have significant differences in particular pertaining to religious dominance (the Philippines dominated by Catholicism, while Indonesia by Islam) and the structure of their societies: while the Philippines is a class-stratified society, Indonesia has long been ideologized by colonial and post-colonial religious and political powers. Apart from their parallels and distinctions, religion --both Catholicism and Islam-- has marvellous role, negatively or positively, in global politics and public cultures, indicating its vigor and survival in global political domains. This comparative paper, more specifically, examines the historical dynamics of the interplay between religion, civil society, and political activism by using the Philippines and Indonesia as a case study and point of analysis.</p><p>[Artikel ini mendiskusikan peran Katolik, Muslim dan asosiasi warga dalam politik global di dua negara; Indonesia dan Filipina. Kedua negara tersebut memiliki kesamaan, baik dalam hal ciri geografis sebagai negara kepulauan, keragaman masyarakat dan budayanya, sejarah kolonialisme, pemerintahan diktator, kekerasan etnik-agama, serta gerakan keagamaan. Terlepas dari kesamaan tersebut, keduanya memiliki perbedaan, utamanya menyangkut agama dominan (di Filipina didominasi oleh Katolik, sementara di Indonesia oleh Islam) dan struktur masyarakatnya (Filipina ditandai dengan stratifikasi masyarakat berdasarkan klas sosial, sementara di Indonesia ditandai dengan ideologi agama kolonial, paska-kolonial, politik). Terlepas dari kesamaan dan perbedaan antara keduanya, agama -baik Katolik maupun Islam- memainkan peran penting, baik negatif maupun positif, dalam politik global dan budaya publik. Ini menandai kuatnya peran agama di kedua negara itu. Artikel ini menggunakan analisis perbandingan, utamanya terhadap dinamika sejarah hubungan antara agama, masyarakat sipil, dan aktifisme politik.]</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-68
Author(s):  
Rubenker Nongrum ◽  
◽  
Dr Trilochan Dash

The traditional local governance system is as old as the history of humanity but only recently it has entered into the broad academic discourse due to different societal setting exist in different societies. The author tries to argue that due to the presence of illiteracy, poverty, inaccessibility of communication facilities, the so called tribal elites are governing the society as according to their own will and at the same devoid of traditional customary laws. Therefore, the author tries to address the issues and at the same time provide the suggestive measures for reform in order to have a better governance at the Village council (Dorbar) system in the State of Meghalaya.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Beatrice Jauregui

What labor rights do police workers have? How are they legally delimited? This article addresses these questions through a case study of government responses to attempts by police constables in post/colonial South Asia to express job-related grievances and establish employee unions. Drawing on ethnographic observations, interviews, and archival documents collected in India over fifteen years, the analysis demonstrates that, for more than a century, class warfare within police organizations has manifested in counter-insurgency “lawfare” between senior officials and subordinate personnel regarding whether and how the latter may collectively organize to transform their living and working conditions. It further shows how in this context law as a social field has worked to subjectify rank-and-file police as an ironically exploitable and expendable class of laborers who are always already suspect of rebelling against the state that they have sworn to serve. Through revelations of a long history of structural servitude compelling subaltern police in South Asia to do questionably legal types of labor, this study raises challenging questions about how police work has been conceived and practiced globally as “security labor” and how, moving forward, we must work to reimagine what police work is, what it can be, and what it ought to be.


Author(s):  
Claudia Tazreiter

This chapter explores the phenomenon of crisis migration through focusing on the power of its visualization. It is argued that recent events labeled “migration crises” ought to be understood as crises of democratic politics rather than being existential threats alluded to by the crisis narratives, they instead reflect communication and language used by political leaders and parts of the global media in relation to the flow of refugees and irregular migrants. This claim is explored through the case of asylum-seeker arrivals in Australia and their treatment in offshore detention as a “crisis” response. Australia is an important case study to explore as a “settler” society that has benefited from large waves of immigration, particularly from the 1950s onward, including significant numbers of people from a refugee background. Focusing on the punitive arrangements and conditions for asylum-seekers sent to Nauru and Manus Island, the case study points to the important role of affect in building sentiment and public opinion on outsiders and marginalized people. Visual and material cultural markers and artifacts are examples of the deployment of affect, utilized by those empathetic to the circumstances of asylum-seekers and also by those wishing to demonize them, notably states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Fred Amonya

Crises force us to stop and think. And COVID-19 should. This paper examines the prospect of deep reform of national planning in the young post-colonial states (the moulding states). The paper is a contrasted case study of Kenya and Uganda. The attempt at generalisation across moulding states draws on a shared history of state formation. Two trunks define that history – post-independence conflicts and structural adjustment programme (SAP). A contrast between the two countries teases out a tension, which tension the paper uses to illuminate the two policy spaces. The analytical frame draws on control theory. The paper argues that neither country is likely to see structural reform of their national planning. Yet, the epistemological thrust of the paper is not that deduction but questions arising along with the scrutiny of the policy spaces. Those questions should provoke Africa and more broadly, the emerging economies


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