scholarly journals Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szuba
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Source Information ◽  
The City

The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East­­­‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests­­­‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East­­­‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East­­­‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.

Disputing Limeño Historical and Cultural Heritage

PMLA ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 301-305
Author(s):  
Gisela Cánepa-Koch
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Informal Economy ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
The State ◽  
Grassroots Organizations ◽  
Urban Workers ◽  
New Middle Class ◽  
The City

In the 1970s many persons of andean origin migrated to Lima. Informally and through the mediation of emerging grassroots organizations, the nuevos limeños negotiated with the state for their right to residency in the city and to sanitation and other services. They struggled for recognition as citizens. Gradually an informal economy mainly based on Andean cultural practices of production gave way to entrepreneurship, which created a new middle class. In this way Andean migrants to Lima became urban workers and consumers and appropriated and transformed the city.

On the threshold of the state

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Natural World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Theoretical Level ◽  
The City

This introductory chapter provides a background of the conflicted relationship between nature and the city—the fraught intersection of the political and the natural world—in the natural law discourse of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In the course of this extraordinary century, marked by the outward expansion of European states across the globe and simultaneously by their internal implosion into civil war, the boundaries of political space were fundamentally contested not only at a practical but at a theoretical level, and the dominant idiom of that contestation was the universalizing juridical language of natural law. What was forged in the process, culminating iconically in the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and Thomas Hobbes' masterpiece Leviathan of 1651, is commonly taken to have been nothing other than the modern, territorial nation-state.

“The Way of the Transgressor Is Hard”

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-91
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Latter Day Saints ◽  
American Empire ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Joseph Smith ◽  
The City ◽  
The Way

This chapter mentions HR 0627, which tenders an apology to the Latter-day Saints for the misguided expulsion of their Mormon ancestors from the city of Nauvoo and the State of Illinois in 1846. It recounts the years after the Mormons were expelled from Missouri in 1838 to 1839, in which the Saints developed the swamp land in the far west of the state into the thriving economic community of Nauvoo. It also looks into the argument about HR 0627's contention that the Saints were initially expelled from Missouri and welcomed in Illinois in part because Joseph Smith was a strong anti-slavery advocate. The chapter analyzes the problem related to HR 0627 that wrongly isolates Mormon expulsion from any larger political context. It also offers an alternative narrative that puts Illinois's removal of both Indians and Mormons in the context of gender, political culture, and ultimately American empire.

Grid Governance in China's Urban Middle-class Neighbourhoods

2019 ◽  
Vol 241 ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beibei Tang
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Urban China ◽  
Governance Mechanism ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Complex Interactions ◽  
Residential Communities ◽  
Urban Elites ◽  
State And Market

AbstractThis article examines the so-called “grid governance” scheme, a widely used grassroots governance strategy implemented in urban China in recent years. Drawing on data collected in multiple cities from 2011 to 2016, it analyses in what ways, and to what extent, the state employs the grid governance scheme to resolve neighbourhood conflicts and reinforce governance in Chinese urban middle-class neighbourhoods. The findings highlight complex interactions under the scheme among the residents, the state and market actors in neighbourhood governance, including the resident volunteers, residents’ social groups, residents’ committees and property management companies. By coopting middle-class resident volunteers, maximizing the existing political influence of the retired urban elites, and establishing Party organizations in middle-class residential communities, the grid governance scheme has become a major vehicle for resident mobilization and conflict resolution, and a key governance mechanism to reinforce the Party's leadership in middle-class neighbourhoods.

Timbuktu Under Imperial Songhay: A Reconsideration of Autonomy

1990 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Original Objective ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

Songhay sources compiled in the seventeenth century portray the relationship between Gao, the political capital of the state, and Timbuktu, the religious and commercial centre, as abnormally important. The view is that Timbuktu was not only autonomous, but a source of important political influence over policy decisions at Gao. A consensus of contemporary scholars has embraced this depiction. In contrast, the present study argues that Timbuktu was not autonomous, but that Gao was sucessful in achieving its original objective in capturing the city: financial profit. In addition, the evidence is consistent in outlining the relatively negligible political influence of Timbuktu over Gao. The Timbuktu-centric chronicles are largely responsible for this distortion; it is therefore necessary to approach these sources with even greater caution. It is also desirable to re-examine the roles of other sahelian entrepots during the imperial Songhay period to determine more accurately their relative importance.

scholarly journals The Debts of War

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Sprenkels
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Civil War Veterans ◽  
The Government

This article examines mobilization by civil war veterans of the insurgency and the government army. These veterans became a major political force in postwar El Salvador. I demonstrate that the ascendency of the war veterans hinged on the combination of two types of mobilization: “internal” mobilization for partisan leverage, and public mobilization to place claims on the state. By this bifurcated mobilization, veterans from both sides of the war pursued clientelist benefits and postwar political influence. Salvadoran veterans’ struggles for recognition revolve around attempts to transform what the veterans perceive as the “debts of war” into postwar political order. The case of El Salvador highlights the versatility and resilience of veterans’ struggles in post- settlement contexts in which contention shifted from military confrontation to electoral competition.

Religion and Enlightenment

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Richard Whatmore
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Good ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The City

This chapter explains why a group of republicans calling themselves democrats sought sanctuary in Ireland. It revisits the crisis at Geneva, which came to a head in 1782. Many were shocked at events within the city, because, as John Calvin's adopted home and a centre of enlightened learning, civil war was not supposed to break out. Yet between the 1750s and the 1780s republicans at Geneva began to be branded as democrats, certain citizens were labelled anarchists, and the magistrates were increasingly attacked as tyrants, running the state with their own interests to the fore, rather than the public good. This was certainly a new departure. During the political crises of the first decade of the century, and during those of the 1730s, political abuse had been commonplace, with accusations of treachery and corruption abounding. The extremist language that developed, clearly in evidence by the mid-1760s, was a return to the kinds of polarity that marked the era of the Reformation.

Rebel Patriots

2019 ◽  
pp. 6-18
Author(s):  
Stephen V. Ash
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
The State ◽  
The City

This chapter explores the state of Richmond at the beginning of Civil War by outlining Richmond’s economy, reflecting on the benefits of making Richmond the Confederate capital, and providing a window onto Rebel volunteerism and conscription. The author emphasizes Richmonders’ fear of the threat to slavery, the presidency of Abraham Lincoln, and the Union troops that threatened the city. Overall, this chapter summarizes the effect the early war has on the city.

Royal Entries, the City of London, and the Politics of Stuart Successions

2018 ◽  
pp. 257-281
Author(s):  
Ian W. Archer
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
James I ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City

Royal entries to the city of London formed part of the succession protocols and as a form of political communication offer an opportunity to explore the dialogue between the Crown and its subjects, but issues relating to their reception remain underexplored. This chapter seeks to address this gap by comparing the 1604 and 1661 entries in the context of other forms of cultural production at the time of the accessions and with close attention to the evolving political context. It is argued that while James I could count on a rough-and-ready consensus over his political objectives, the entry of 1661 was compromised by deep ideological divisions and the legacy of the civil war.

scholarly journals Seeing Kolkata: Globalization and the Changing Context of the Narrative of Bengali-ness in Two Contemporary Films

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Binayak Bhattacharya
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Politics Of Representation ◽  
Cultural Dynamics ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Indian Cinema ◽  
The City

AbstractThe article engages with the question of an exclusivity, an ‘otherness’ of the Bengali culture, in the available representative modes of Indian cinema. It studies the socio-cultural dynamics through which this ‘otherness’ can be found reorienting itself in recent years in a globalized perspective. It takes two contemporary films, Kahaani (Hindi, 2012) and Bhooter Bhobishyot (Bengali, 2012) to dwell upon. The analysis aims to historicise the construction of a cultural stereotype called ‘Bengali-ness’ in Indian cinema by marking some significant aspects in the course of its historical development. Using the films as cases in point, the article attempts to develop a framework in which the changing landscape of the city of Kolkata, shifting codes of the cultural habits of the middle class and reconfigured ideas about a ‘Bengali nation’ can be seen operating to develop a refashioned relationship between the state of Bengal and the rest of the country. It suggests that the global cultural inflow, along with the localized notions of the new, globalized Bengali-ness, are engaged in developing a new politics of representation for the city and the Bengali society in the cinemas of India.

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