When a right-wing extremist political party appeals to European integration and a constitutional court takes the national perspective…A comment on the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands judgment BVerfG, 2 BvB 1/13

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-409
Author(s):  
Benedikt Reinke

With Regulation 1141/2014, the EU has inaugurated a truly transnational political party system as well as a potential conflict between national and European governance – or so the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands has recently argued when faced with party ban proceedings before the German Federal Constitutional Court. The party contended that its representation in the European Parliament and membership in a political party at European level established exclusive European governance and denied the competence of the Federal Constitutional Court for national proceedings. The court, by contrast, summarily dismissed the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands’s arguments, maintaining its own exclusive authority, and failed to engage in a substantive legal assessment of recent developments in European party law. In this paper, I argue that precisely such a thorough analysis of the newly emerging intertwinement between national and European law as a consequence of Regulation 1141/2014 would have been in order. The Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands’s arguments need to be taken more seriously than the Federal Constitutional Court allows, despite, or perhaps more accurately because, of their highly strategic invocation of European integration: the European argument cannot rest with the extremist party alone, who, elsewhere a most imminent opponent of the European idea, now uses it to challenge national law.

2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1010-1028 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lau Siu-kai ◽  
Kuan Hsin-chi

Hong Kong's political parties are now in decline after the return of the former British colony to China. The decline of political parties stands out in stark relief in a context featuring “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” and gradual democratization. A major reason for the decline is the stunted political party system of Hong Kong. Prominent in that stunted system is the absence of a ruling party. The stunted party system is primarily the result of Beijing's antipathy towards party politics in Hong Kong, which in turn discourages party formation by the Hong Kong government and the conservative elites. The lack of incentives for the business elites to organize political parties to protect their interests is another major reason. The stunted party system has produced serious adverse consequences for the governance of Hong Kong, representation of interests, public attitudes towards the political class and the further democratization of the territory.


Author(s):  
Amílcar Antonio Barreto

Puerto Ricans, US subjects since 1898, were naturalized en masse in 1917. Congress did so to eliminate the possibility of independence from the US. That citizenship is the cornerstone of island-mainland relations for those advocating a continued relationship with the United States—either in the form of the 1952 Commonwealth constitution or statehood. The epicenter of Puerto Rican partisan life remains the status question. This remarkably stable political party system featured two strong parties of near-equal strength—the pro-Commonwealth PPD and its statehood challenger, the PNP— and a small independence party, the PIP. A core feature of the PNP’s platform has been estadidad jíbara—"creole statehood.” In theory, a future State of Puerto Rico would be allowed to retain its cultural and linguistic autonomy while attaining full membership as the 51st state of the Union.


Author(s):  
Brendan O’Leary

The return of direct rule to Northern Ireland in 1972 and its mechanisms and conduct are outlined in this chapter. Their impact upon the local political party system is treated at length, as are the first consociational initiatives pursued under Conservative and Labour governments in the UK. The failure of the first peace process is considered, as well as Britain’s counterinsurgency policies and their limits. Criminalization, Ulsterization, and Normalization were the policies begun under Callaghan’s government and continued by the Conservatives until they were broken by the republican hunger strikes. The new consociational initiatives after the hunger strikes are examined.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliane Kokott

Sixty years after the entry into force of the Basic Law the world is much more interdependent. The concepts of statehood and sovereignty have changed. The following contribution examines how the Basic Law, as amended and interpreted by the Federal Constitutional Court, deals with this development. As a foundational matter, the Basic Law contains a commitment towards integration, although sixty years ago integration largely was seen as a promise. Now, 60 years later, the Federal Constitutional Court is developing limits to integration and recently ruled out Germany's participation in a European Federal State and sees itself as the guardian of German sovereignty. A change of paradigms seems to have taken place. For the founding fathers and mothers, a united—possibly even federal—Europe was considered to be the solution to protect against war and relapse towards an undemocratic, terroristic regime. But now the Federal Constitutional Court feels compelled to protect democracy and the core values of the Basic Law against “too much” European integration.


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