Neoliberalism, crisis and authoritarian–ethnicist reaction: The ascendancy of the Orbán regime

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Fabry

This paper analyses the seemingly contradictory fusion between authoritarianism and neoliberalism in Hungary under the Orbán regime. Since coming into power in 2010 on a popular backlash against austerity, the hard-right Fidesz–KDNP government, led by Viktor Orbán, has carried out a root-and-branch transformation of Hungarian society. While officially proposing a break with neoliberalism at home and abroad, the paper argues that the Orbán regime has rather deepened it, producing a specific variety of ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’, which skilfully combines some of the central tenets of neoliberalism (maintenance of a balanced budget, introduction of a flat tax system and the pursuit of regressive social policies) with ‘ethnicist–populist’ measures that seek to co-opt, coerce or manufacture consensus among subaltern groups in society against alleged ‘enemies’ of the Hungarian nation. While Orbán’s ‘illiberal’ politics have been strongly criticized by neoliberal institutions, such as the IMF and the EU, they have taken little concrete action against the Hungarian government. We argue that the reason for this is pragmatic: the Orbán regime has not only been a model for neoliberal austerity in Europe since the 2008 crisis, but also its authoritarian and xenophobic policies are not that different from other EU states.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-173
Author(s):  
Andrzej Lorkowski ◽  
Robert Jeszke

The whole world is currently struggling with one of the most disastrous pandemics to hit in modern times – Covid-19. Individual national governments, the WHO and worldwide media organisations are appealing for humanity to universally stay at home, to limit contact and to stay safe in the ongoing fight against this unseen threat. Economists are concerned about the devastating effect this will have on the markets and possible outcomes. One of the countries suffering from potential destruction of this situation is Poland. In this article we will explain how difficult internal energy transformation is, considering the long-term crisis associated with the extraction and usage of coal, the European Green Deal and current discussion on increasing the EU 2030 climate ambitions. In the face of an ongoing pandemic, the situation becomes even more challenging with each passing day.


Author(s):  
Helena Borzenko ◽  
Tamara Panfilova ◽  
Mikhail Litvin

Purpose articles rassm and experience and benefits systems taxation countries European Union, manifestation iti the main limitations domestic taxlegislation and wired STI their comparisons. In general iti ways the provisiontax reporting countries Eurozone in the appropriate organs, dove STI need theintroduction Ukraine electronic methods receiving and processing such reports.define iti key directions reforming domestic tax legislation. Methodology research is to use aggregate methods: dialectical, statistical, historical, comparative. Scientific novelty is to are provided recommendations for improvement ofefficiency systems taxation of our states in international ratings characterizingtax institutions country. Therefore, despite some problems in legislation heldcomparative study systems taxation EU and Ukraine. Conclucions Coming fromof this, the main directions reforming tax systems Ukraine, in our opinion,today should become: improvement process administration, reduce scales evasiontaxes, provision more uniform distribution tax burden between taxpayers, themaximum cooperation tax bodies different levels as well adjustment systemselectronic interactions tax authorities and payers, tax system must contain ascan less unfounded benefits, consistent with the general by politics pricing.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Terézia Nagy

In my study I would like to show how the refugees’ situation, motivation and lifestyle have been criminalized in the public discourse (political, press and social public discourse) despite the fact that the Hungarian asylum procedures seem to be converging to the EU standards. I will approach the acceptance of and behaviour towards refugees in two ways: based on my experience from fieldwork carried out in diasporas in Budapest and based on my analysis of the press from the perspective of the host society. These approaches are important because my results show that socio-cultural acceptance is demonstrated almost exclusively by the diasporas even though the economic and official procedures manifest in the body of the host (Hungarian) society. I would also like to speak about the picture the Hungarian media and the government’s discourse show of people crossing the border illegally, how it raises fear and uncertainty among them. This kind of influence conveys messages which hinder fitting in in various aspects, obstruct integration, and at the same time make transnational communication among refugees stereotypical and equivocal. Consequently, ethnically or religiously homogeneous connections are getting stronger, while the importance of diasporas with weak economic, political and advocacy background is also increasing. However, the newcomers hardly ever enter the Hungarian scene.


Author(s):  
Ferran ARMENGOL FERRER

LABURPENA: Egonkortasuneko Mekanismo Europarrean (EME) baldintzapena nola aplikatzen den aztertuko dugu artikulu honetan, Europar Batasunaren esparruan aitortuta dauden oinarrizko eskubideen ikuspegitik. Horretarako, giza eskubideen alorrean nazioarteko hitzarmenak aplikatzearen alde egin duten jarrera doktrinalak hartu dira erreferentziatzat, Nazioarteko Diru Funtsak (NDF) eta nazioarteko beste finantza-erakunde batzuek garapen bidean diren herrialdeekiko operazioetan txertatu duten baldintzapenari muga jartzeko. Europar Batasunaren eremuan 2009-2010 urteetako zor publikoaren krisiari erantzuna emateko sortu diren organismoek eta, batez ere, EMEk (euro eremuan egonkortasuna ziurtatzeko organismoak,) ordea, egiturazko elementu gisa sartu dute baldintzapena haien operazioetan, NDFaren antzeko filosofia hartuta, hau da, zuhurtziaren bitartez lortu nahi dute hazkunde ekonomikoa, eta, horren ondorioz, oinarrizko eskubide batzuk ezin izan dira behar bezala gauzatu. Horrek mahai gainean jartzen du kontu bat, ea politika horiek bateragarri ote diren Europar Batasunaren helburu eta printzipioekin; hasiera batean «zuzenbidezko komunitatea» esamoldeaz definitu baitzuten EB, eta giza eskubideetan oinarrituta eraiki. Justizia Auzitegiak horri buruz idatzi zuen lehenengo epai —goiztiarrak— (Pringle epaiak), ordea, ez zuen zehaztu EMEren baldintzapenak Europar Batasunaren xede eta printzipioekin eta giza eskubideekiko errespetuarekin bat egiten ote duen. Hala ere, badirudi irizpide hori aldatzen ari dela, Ledra Advertising-en duela gutxi eman den epaiaren harira; izan ere, jabetzarako eskubideari dei egiteko atea ireki du, baldintzapena ezartzearen ondorioz eragindako kalteengatiko ordaina eskatzeari dagokionez. Hortaz, EME Europako Diru Funtsean eraldatuta bakarrik heldu ahalko zaie oinarrizko eskubideei, EME erkideko erakunde gisa eratzen bada, baldintzapenaren ondorio kaltegarriak geldiarazteari edo arintzeari begira. Are gehiago, Europako Diru Funtsean baldintzapena judizialki kontrolatzea erreferentea izan liteke nazioarteko beste finantza-erakunde batzuentzat. RESUMEN: El presente artículo analiza la aplicación de la condicionalidad en el Mecanismo Europeo de Estabilidad (MEDE) desde la perspectiva de los derechos fundamentales reconocidos en el ámbito de la Unión Europea. A tal efecto, se toman como referencia las posiciones doctrinales que han venido defendiendo la aplicación de los convenios internacionales en materia de derechos humanos como límite a la condicionalidad introducida por el FMI y otras instituciones financieras internacionales en sus operaciones con los países en desarrollo. Los organismos creados en el ámbito de la Unión Europea para dar respuesta a la crisis de la Deuda pública de 2009-10, y de modo singular el MEDE, organismo creado para garantizar la estabilidad de la zona euro, han introducido, sin embargo, la condicionalidad como un elemento estructural en sus operaciones, con una filosofía parecida a la del FMI, es decir, conseguir el crecimiento económico a partir de la austeridad, con lo que se ha visto perjudicado el ejercicio de diversos derechos fundamentales. Ello plantea la cuestión de la compatibilidad de tales políticas con los objetivos y principios de la Unión Europea, definida en su día como «Comunidad de Derecho» y fundada sobre los valores de los derechos humanos. La primera —y temprana— sentencia dictada al respecto por el Tribunal de Justicia (sentencia Pringle) dejó, sin embargo, en el aire la cuestión de la compatibilidad de la condicionalidad del MEDE con los objetivos y principios de la Unión Europea y el respeto de los derechos humanos. Parece, no obstante, que este criterio tiende a modificarse a partir del reciente fallo en Ledra Advertising, que ha abierto la puerta a invocar el derecho de propiedad para ser indemnizado por los daños causados por la aplicación de la condicionalidad. Con todo, será a partir de la transformación del MEDE en el Fondo Monetario Europeo, si éste se constituye como institución comunitaria, como puede hacerse efectiva la invocación de los derechos fundamentales para frenar o mitigar los efectos perjudiciales de la condicionalidad. Más aún, el control judicial de la condicionalidad en el FME podría servir como referente para otras instituciones financieras internacionales. ABSTRACT: This article analyses the application of conditionality within the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) from the perspective of the fundamental rights recognized within the EU. To this end, we take as a reference the doctrinal positions that have been defending the application of international conventions on human rights as a limit to the conditionality introduced by the IMF and another financial international institutions in their operations with developing countries. The public agencies created within the EU in order to meet the demands of the public debt crisis of 2009-10, and specifically the ESM, a body created to guarantee the Euro zone’s stability, have nonetheless introduced the conditionality as a structural element in their operations, with a philosophy comparable to that of the IMF, i.e. to achieve economic growth from austerity, thus impairing the exercise of several fundamental rights. That raises the question of compatibility of those policies with the objectives and principles of the EU, defined one day as a «community of law» and founded upon the values of fundamental rights. The first —and early— judgement delivered on this ground by the European Court of Justice (Pringle case) left nevertheless in the air the compatibility of the conditionality of ESM with the objectives and principles of the EU and with the respect to human rights. It seems however that this criteria tends to be modified by the recent judgment Ledra Advertising that opened the door to invoke the right to property in order to be compensated by damages caused as a consequence of conditionality. Even so, it will be after the transformation of the ESM into an European Monetary Fund, if this is constituted as a Community institution, that invoking fundamental rights shall be effective in order to stop or mitigate the adverse effects of conditionality. What is more, the judicial control over conditionality within the EMF might serve as a reference for other international financial institutions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena-Simina Tănăsescu ◽  
Eric Oliva

2019 ◽  
pp. 261-273
Author(s):  
Jerome Roos

In March 2012, Greece opened a tender for a voluntary bond exchange in which its private bondholders could swap their securities for a variety of redenominated debt instruments. This chapter discusses the lead-up to and outcome of this debt restructuring, showing how the debt swap was specifically designed to spare the biggest private bondholders—EU banks—while leaving Greek taxpayers and pensioners to foot the bill for the subsequent hit taken by their own banks and pension funds. It shows how the debt restructuring of 2012 led to a radical shift in Greece's debt profile and creditor composition: from bonds held by private EU banks to official-sector loans from the EU member states and the IMF. By the end of private sector involvement, both the adjustment costs for the crisis and the risk of a future default had been fully socialized.


2000 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. McGowan

There is a great deal of dissatisfaction with the existing tax system. Prior research has found that self-interest, perceived equity, persuasive messages, tax knowledge, and demographic factors affect taxpayer attitudes. This study contributes to that body of research by examining the effects of another factor that is associated with taxpayer attitudes: their political affiliation. Data obtained from a national telephone survey of homeowners' attitudes toward alternative tax systems are used. Results indicate that political affiliation plays a significant role in taxpayers' attitudes toward both alternative tax systems in general and the proposed flat tax in particular. Specifically, when faced with the choice of alternative tax systems, respondents who identified themselves as having Republican (Democratic, Independent) political af-filiations were more (less) likely to prefer both the flat tax and the sales tax systems over the current system.


Author(s):  
Adrian Sinfield

Increasing inequality was a deliberate policy of the Thatcher governments, marking a significant shift in UK policy-making. The strategy was supported by strong vested interests and active myth-making that stigmatized both social spending and its recipients. The legacy of Thatcherism has been powerful and persistent, leading to an acceptance of the increased inequality and a lack of challenge to its proponents and beneficiaries. There now appears to be a growing challenge to this acquiescence from many quarters including the churches and, surprisingly, the IMF, as well as many more detailed analyses of the wide differences in income and wealth. The arguments against increased inequality have strengthened again, bolstered by growing evidence of exploitation of the tax system, but is the political will strong enough to bring about significant changes?


Author(s):  
Knut Engedal

Norway has 5 million inhabitants, of whom 200,000 are aged above 80 years. The country is a welfare state, with a tax system covering most health services for its citizens. It is estimated that 78,000 people in Norway suffer from dementia, of whom 60% live at home and the remainder in residential care. In 2007, the first National Dementia Plan was launched (2007–2015), and the second in 2016 (2016–2020). The main goals of the two Plans are to develop services across the country to improve the care and quality of life for all people with dementia and their family caregivers, as well as increase the knowledge of dementia among healthcare professionals. In addition, the Plans also aim to improve awareness of dementia in society as a whole and to develop and implement measures to help create a more dementia-friendly society.


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