Constitutional Law and the EU Balanced Budget Principle

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena-Simina Tănăsescu ◽  
Eric Oliva
2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1343-1374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Martinico

Recently, scholars have argued of the necessity of going beyond “judicial dialogues” and “conflict-and-power” approaches to the analysis of the role of national Constitutional Courts in the Union. On the one hand, there are risks connected to a “too welcoming an approach by national constitutional courts to EU law”; on the other hand, it is possible to criticize both the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) and some national Constitutional Courts for other, less cooperative, decisions. I share this cautious approach for many reasons, and primarily because the preliminary ruling mechanism does not exhaust all the possible means of communication between constitutional courts and the CJEU. For instance, what Komárek calls “parallel references” can serve, in some circumstances, as a technique of alternative (or hidden) dialogue, that has favored a sort of “remote dialogue” over the years. My sole point of disagreement with this scholarly position is over the role of conflicts in this scenario. Whilst Komárek seems to confine conflicts to phenomena of mere resistance or to “‘cold’ strategic considerations,” in this work I am going to adopt a much broader idea of conflict, which goes beyond mere “conflicts and power games.”


Author(s):  
Luis I. Gordillo Pérez ◽  
Giuseppe Martinico

El objetivo de este artículo es ofrecer una reflexión sobre el estado del Derecho constitucional europeo en el año del quincuagésimo aniversario de Van Gend en Loos, la histórica decisión del Tribunal de Justicia (TJ) que ha puesto las bases para la constitucionalización del Derecho de la Unión Europea. Para ello, y tras profundizar en la teoría del constitucionalismo comunitario, se analiza el proceso de constitucionalización de la UE a través de la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Luxemburgo desde dos puntos de vista: constitucionalización como «federalización» y constitucionalización como «humanización».This article reflects on the state of the art of the EU Constitutional Law on the 50th anniversary of Van Gend en Loos, the founding constitutional decision of the ECJ. After analyzing the fundamentals of EU constitutional theory, the authors move towards the constitutionalization process of the EU through the case law of the ECJ from a double perspective: constitutionalization as federalization and constitutionalization as «humanization of EU Law».


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 607-636
Author(s):  
Mark Humphery-Jenner

Governments periodically receive accusations of over-spending. These accusations are sometimes warranted. Some commentators propose that strict tax and expenditure limits (TELs) and/or balanced budget requirements (BBRs) may resolve excessive expenditure. Governments can implement TELs and BBRs through constitutional amendments, statutory schemes, or non-binding aspirational goals. They have been proposed as a remedy to allegations of over-spending in some European countries. However, it is not entirely clear if TELs or BBRs are effective or will resolve excess expenditure. I analyze TELs and BBRs as implemented in the United States and Australia. I argue that the Australian model of aspirational TELs and BBRs is beneficial if there is a political will to enforce them. However, if there is no such political will, then statutory (as opposed to constitutional) TELs and BBRs best strike a balance of flexibility and constraint.


Author(s):  
Michael Ioannidis

This chapter focuses on cases where the presumption that all Member States are effective in enforcing their law does not hold: when Member States show structural, persistent, and cross-sector ineffectiveness in enforcing their law. Borrowing from literature on international law as well as insights from the rich research on EU compliance, this chapter develops three main points. The first is that, on some occasions, the EU might face a similar challenge with that of international law when dealing with weak states. To describe such cases of structural ineffectiveness, this chapter develops the concept of ‘weak member’. The second point is that these problems can be captured through the lens of EU constitutional law, and more specifically as Rule of Law problems. The last point is to present some of the measures taken during the Eurozone crisis to respond to this type of problem with regard to Greece.


Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard ◽  
Emilija Leinarte

This chapter addresses the provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement dealing with the protection of citizens’ rights. It explains the scope of application and the content of the rights afforded to EU citizens in the UK and UK citizens in the EU after Brexit. The chapter also looks at the enforcement of citizens’ rights, both in the EU and the UK. While the rights of EU citizens already in the UK, and rights of UK citizens in the EU, are fairly generously protected under the WA, the mechanism for enforcement of such rights raises questions of effectiveness. Moreover, the special jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) concerning Part Two of the Withdrawal Agreement, while a logical outcome from the perspective of EU constitutional law, will disappoint those who supported the UK government’s insistence that ending the jurisdiction of the CJEU was one of the UK’s red lines during the Article 50 TEU negotiations.


Author(s):  
Maria Cahill

This chapter focuses on the interface between international law and Irish constitutionalism. Part I examines how Ireland achieved constitutional self-determination first on the basis of and then in violation of an international treaty. The remainder of the chapter concentrates on the place of international law within the framework provided by the 1937 Constitution. Part II highlights how constitutional law has, in general, required that international treaties may neither displace the content of the Constitution nor curtail the competences of the legislature or the courts; as such, it seeks to preserve self-determination as substantive constitutional integrity. Part III focuses on the atypical case of the EU, for which the concept of self-determination used is consciously ambivalent about substantive constitutional integrity, tolerating significant compromises as long as they are made using the correct procedure: in other words, self-determination is reconceived as procedural constitutional integrity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Fabry

This paper analyses the seemingly contradictory fusion between authoritarianism and neoliberalism in Hungary under the Orbán regime. Since coming into power in 2010 on a popular backlash against austerity, the hard-right Fidesz–KDNP government, led by Viktor Orbán, has carried out a root-and-branch transformation of Hungarian society. While officially proposing a break with neoliberalism at home and abroad, the paper argues that the Orbán regime has rather deepened it, producing a specific variety of ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’, which skilfully combines some of the central tenets of neoliberalism (maintenance of a balanced budget, introduction of a flat tax system and the pursuit of regressive social policies) with ‘ethnicist–populist’ measures that seek to co-opt, coerce or manufacture consensus among subaltern groups in society against alleged ‘enemies’ of the Hungarian nation. While Orbán’s ‘illiberal’ politics have been strongly criticized by neoliberal institutions, such as the IMF and the EU, they have taken little concrete action against the Hungarian government. We argue that the reason for this is pragmatic: the Orbán regime has not only been a model for neoliberal austerity in Europe since the 2008 crisis, but also its authoritarian and xenophobic policies are not that different from other EU states.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-522
Author(s):  
Christina Eckes

Counter-terrorist sanctions against private individuals adopted by the EU and by the UN are an exceptionally illustrative example of the executive’s power grasp, where the dangers of counter-terrorist policies and of externalized rulemaking have mutually reinforced each other. This article (re-)considers the role of the judiciary in the face of extreme exercise of externalized executive powers, demonstrates that multilayered governance has extended the powers of courts, shows that the justified exercise of judicial power has led the EU institutions and the Member States into a self-inflicted catch-22, and makes an argument that the extended powers of the executive and of the judiciary should be contained and guided by a principled choice of the constituent power. Constitutional law should require the judiciary to take a substantive approach to multilayered governance that reflects the principle of separation of powers.


2000 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Ackrill

The European Union budget is subject to a strict annual balanced budget rule. Given different types of expenditure within the budget, this rule has most effect on – and is most threatened by – spending on the Common Agricultural Policy. This article examines the merits of applying a balanced budget rule to the EU budget and explores the links between the budget and the CAP. The rule has forced the EU to improve its financial management, as the 1999 CAP reform shows. The presence of a pre-agreed spending limit on the CAP forced changes to be made to the initial CAP reform agreement in order to comply with this limit, although political bargaining was critical in shaping particular changes. The general perception is that the CAP drives the European budget. Yet the budget, if not driving the CAP, imposes an increasingly tight constraint on its reform.


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