Parental Employment Status, Gender, Ethnic Identity and the Employment Commitment of Adolescents in New Zealand

1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Lysaght ◽  
Bryan Tuck ◽  
Vivienne Adair
Race & Class ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
Cybèle Locke

This article examines the activities of the Freemans Bay Residents Welfare Association, which formed to promote residents’ welfare and to retain the neighbourhood’s integrity in the face of slum clearance during the 1950s and 1960s in Auckland, New Zealand. The Association’s objective was: ‘To combine socially for the cultural good of all people in the area. To unite as one, regardless of race, colour or creed, for the peaceful and fruitful existence of our residents.’ John (Johnny) James Mitchell, secretary of the Association, invoked working-class solidarity – to unite as one – to bring together residents who could also be classified by race, religion, political belief, employment status, ‘respectability’ and housing occupancy. This solidarity was assisted by the Auckland City Council who zoned the Reclamation Area for clearance, affecting all residents within its bounds. However, racial discrimination practised by private landlords, local government and state departments meant that Māori were more likely to occupy condemned housing to begin with and were the last to be assisted by the state in the slum clearance process. As a result, race remained a more potent signifier for Māori residents and they organised through the Māori Women’s Welfare League and the Māori Community Centre, in alliance with the Association.


Author(s):  
Carla Houkamau ◽  
Petar Milojev ◽  
Lara Greaves ◽  
Kiri Dell ◽  
Chris G Sibley ◽  
...  

AbstractLongitudinal studies into the relationship between affect (positive or negative feelings) towards one’s own ethnic group and wellbeing are rare, particularly for Indigenous peoples. In this paper, we test the longitudinal effects of in-group warmth (a measure of ethnic identity affect) and ethnic identity centrality on three wellbeing measures for New Zealand Māori: life satisfaction (LS), self-esteem (SE), and personal wellbeing (PW). Longitudinal panel data collected from Māori (N = 3803) aged 18 or over throughout seven annual assessments (2009–2015) in the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study were analyzed using latent trajectory models with structured residuals to examine cross-lagged within-person effects. Higher in-group warmth towards Māori predicted increases in all three wellbeing measures, even more strongly than ethnic identity centrality. Bi-directionally, PW and SE predicted increased in-group warmth, and SE predicted ethnic identification. Further, in sample-level (between-person) trends, LS and PW rose, but ethnic identity centrality interestingly declined over time. This is the first large-scale longitudinal study showing a strong relationship between positive affect towards one’s Indigenous ethnic group and wellbeing. Efforts at cultural recovery and restoration have been a deliberate protective response to colonization, but among Māori, enculturation and access to traditional cultural knowledge varies widely. The data reported here underline the role of ethnic identity affect as an important dimension of wellbeing and call for continued research into the role of this dimension of ethnic identity for Indigenous peoples.


1994 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Meyerhoff

ABSTRACTA social dialect survey of a working-class suburb in New Zealand provides evidence that eh, a tag particle that is much stereotyped but evaluated negatively in NZ English, may persist in casual speech because it plays an important role as a positive politeness marker. It is used noticeably more by Maori men than by Maori women or Pakehas (British/European New Zealanders), and may function as an in-group signal of ethnic identity for these speakers. Young Pakeha women, though, seem to be the next highest users of eh. It is unlikely that they are using it to signal in-group identity in the same way; instead, it is possible that they are responding to its interpersonal and affiliative functions for Maori men, and are adopting it as a new facet in their repertoire of positive politeness markers. (Gender, ethnicity, politeness, New Zealand English, intergroup and interpersonal communication)


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tui Matelau-Doherty

AbstractDefining and understanding a positive and inclusive Māori or Pacific ethnic identity is difficult. Yet doing so is necessary in order to enhance the wellbeing of Māori and Pacific people in New Zealand. This paper argues that analysing the art of a Māori and Samoan visual artist using frozen actions as the analytical tool, reveals their fluid ethnic identity. Actions such as hanging the art, producing the art and researching the art are embedded as frozen actions in the art itself. These identity telling actions reveal a fluid ethnic identity, a positive and inclusive ethnic identity which combines ideas about the social environment and ethnicity.


1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Holmes

ABSTRACTAspects of the extent and nature of the influence of the Maori language on English in New Zealand are explored here within a broad sociolinguistic framework. The current sociolinguistic distribution of Maori and English in New Zealand society is described, and typical users and uses of the variety known as Maori English are identified. Characteristics of Maori English are outlined as background to a detailed examination of the distribution of three phonological features among speakers of Pakeha (European) and Maori background. These features appear to reflect the influence of the Maori language, and could be considered substratum features in a variety serving to signal Maori identity or positive attitudes toward Maori values. Moreover, Maori English may be a source of innovation in the New Zealand English (NZE) of Pakehas, providing features which contribute to the distinctiveness of NZE compared with other international varieties. (Social dialectology, ethnic identity, Maori English, New Zealand English, language change)


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Callister

<p>Despite a period of dramatic job loss from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, long-term employment data do not support the view that paid work has been disappearing from the New Zealand economy. However, the distribution of work for people aged 25-59 has been changing. In particular, between 1986 and 1996 there was a strong decline in full-time employment of prime-aged men, along with a decline in full-time employment amongst young people. In 1986, just over a tenth of prime-aged men were either not in paid work or worked part time. By 1996, this had increased to a quarter. While most of the changes in male employment were driven by shifts in labour demand, a small group of men actively chose to reduce their hours of work or to have breaks from paid work. In the decade 1986 to 1996, formal educational qualifications became a more powerful predictor of a person's employment status. In particular, by the early 1990s, prime-aged men and women without a formal educational qualification faced major disadvantages in the labour market. In contrast, the variable of gender, while still very important, weakened as a predictor of employment status. Employment data also show that there was some shift away from "standard" weekly hours of paid work for prime-aged people between 1986 and 1996. For both men and women, there was some growth in the proportion who worked very short hours as well as an increase in the proportion working 50 or more hours per week. Some of this appears to have taken place by choice, but some due to changing demands by employers. Employment status also has some association with living arrangement for prime-aged men. However, while employed men were far more likely to live in a couple than men not in work at both the beginning and end of the main period studied, this relationship weakened. In 1986, education had little predictive power regarding male living arrangements. However, by 1996, its importance had increased. Assortative mating patterns mean that couples tend to be education-rich or education-poor. However, the concentration of education within particular couples changed little over the decade. There was a shift within prime-aged couples and households to either work-poor or work-rich status between 1986 and 1996. In 1996, just under a fifth of prime-aged households were work-poor. The significant growth in the proportion of work-poor couples and households took place in the period of job loss between 1986 and 1991. While the strong employment growth in the economy in the next five years increased the proportion of work-rich households it only marginally reduced the proportion of work-poor households. In the 1990s, education-poor couples were over-represented amongst prime-aged work-poor couples. Yet, the New Zealand data suggest that a wide range of other factors influence the growth of this family type. This includes health issues and barriers to employment amongst well-qualified immigrants. The reasons behind the growth of work-rich couples are also complex. They include push factors such as well-educated women increasingly wanting to have a long-term attachment to the labour force, through to pull factors of women obtaining work to supplement family income in the face of declining male income. On a geographic area basis, the data does show that in the 1990s there were extremes of work-rich and work-poor residential areas. In addition, using various measures, the proportion of work-poor areas increased between 1986 and 1996. There was also a small, but important, group of area units that remained work-poor for the ten years studied. A significant proportion of long-term work-poor areas were also classified as "deprived". Finally, the rapid rise in educational attainment over the last decade was unevenly spread on a geographic basis. While there remain many communities where there is a wide mixture of education levels amongst the residents, the spatial clustering of similarly qualified (or unqualified) people is important in New Zealand.</p>


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