scholarly journals Presidential Election Laws and Multipartism in Latin America

1994 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark P. Jones
1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-341
Author(s):  
Michael J. Francis ◽  
Hernan Vera-Godoy

Increasingly alone as a stable republican nation in Latin America, Chile has long been a favorite subject for North American scholars and journalists. Every six years, as it faces a presidential election, the world press breathlessly rediscovers that this long slim country confronts its public problems within the framework of a developed, democratic political system. When in 1964 Chile placed a young idealistic party in power behind Eduardo Frei, an unquestionably intelligent figure of austere but charismatic bearing, this country became a favorite model for the advocates of democratic reformism in Latin America and soon was receiving the highest United States foreign aid per capita in Latin America. Thus it came as a shock that the Chilean electorate could turn its back on Frei's administration in 1970 by favoring the rightist and Marxist candidates. For those who saw in the government of Frei a basic alternative to Marxist models for Latin America, the free election of an avowed Marxist as the President of Chile presents additional problems.


Subject The outlook for remittance inflows. Significance Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) was the only region in the world that registered an increase in family remittances last year. Impacts The rise in 'extra' remittances after last year's US presidential election will not be repeated this year. The taxing of remittances could partially reverse many years of efforts to lower sending costs. Increased employment in the US construction sector could help sustain remittances to LAC.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ambler H. Moss

As in most presidential election years, Latin America is not significant in the campaign issues presently under discussion, nor is it likely to become so before November 1992. This article focuses, therefore, not so much upon which issues might, or even should, be emphasized by the Democratic Party during the campaign, as upon what might be the design of a Latin American policy by a new Democratic administration in January 1993. Start, then, by assuming a Democratic victory in November.It would be reasonable to predict that Latin America will get more attention, of a different nature and on a more consistent basis, than it has during the Reagan-Bush years. The Democrats have had the affiliation of the greater number of this country's Latin Americanists, and their weight will be felt. They will want, demand, and probably get, some serious input.


Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

Runoff has been advantageous in Latin America and could be in the United States also. Amid the legitimacy deficits of the 2000 and 2016 elections in the United States, popular demand for change in electoral rules is strong. Although ranked-choice voting is the most common innovation in the United States, it is complex and relatively untested. By contrast, runoff has been tested in Latin America and shown to be successful. Runoff opened the electoral arena to new parties but, at the same time, assured that the president had majority support and was not at an ideological extreme. By contrast, plurality often facilitated political exclusion by dominant parties and exacerbated cynicism and polarization. Although the number of parties was larger under runoff, the concomitant problems can be ameliorated by such measures as the scheduling of the legislative election after the first round and raising the threshold for entry to the legislature.


Subject Prospects for the Andean region in 2017. Significance The Andean region (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia) is set for another year of sluggish growth, although this may still compare favourably with other parts of Latin America. Foreign investment, reduced by the problems facing extractive industries, will be slow to pick up. Ecuador is the only country that will face a presidential election, while pre-election manoeuvring will characterise Colombian politics in advance of the 2018 poll.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Gabriel Katz

This paper implements a unified model of individual abstention and vote choice, applying it to analyze policy-based alienation and indifference in Brazil’s historical 2002 presidential election. The results indicate that both alienation and indifference have a negative impact on turnout, with indifference contributing slightly more to voter abstention. Also, the determinants of alienation and indifference differ considerably, the former being determined by structural factors such as voters’ information and perceived efficacy levels, while the latter was related to short-term aspects such as parties’ mobilization efforts. More importantly, the evidence shows that while alienation and indifference are strongly influenced by attitudinal and protest variables, they are also affected by citizens’ evaluation of candidates’ ideological locations. The main conclusion is that abstention in Brazil’s 2002 election had a policy-driven component and that spatial considerations played a substantive role in citizens’ electoral behavior, a fact that has been largely overlooked in previous research on the determinants of abstention in Latin America.


2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Dion

This study compares efforts to adopt social insurance legislation in the administrations of Láázaro Cáárdenas and Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho in Mexico to explain the political origins of the welfare state in Latin America. The author argues that the adoption and implementation of social insurance in Mexico was the outcome of an implicit bargain between organized labor and the state following the 1940 presidential election. This bargain signifies the rebuilding by the ÁÁvila Camacho administration of the cross-class coalition originally designed by President Cáárdenas and jeopardized by the nationalization of petroleum and presidential succession struggles of the late 1930s. Este trabajo compara esfuerzos a implantar legislacióón del seguro social en las administraciones de Láázaro Cáárdenas y de Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho en Mééxico para explicar los oríígenes polííticos del Estado de bienestar en Améérica Latina. La autora discute que la adopcióón y la implantacióón del seguro social en Mééxico fueron resultados de un negocio implíícito entre la clase trabajadora organizada y el Estado que seguíía la eleccióón presidencial de 1940. Este negocio significa la reconstruccióón por la administracióón de ÁÁvila Camacho de la coalicióón de clases diseññada por presidente Cáárdenas y comprometida originalmente por la nacionalizacióón del petróóleo y de las luchas de la sucesióón presidencial de los finales de los 30s.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randy Sunwin Uang

AbstractCrime and violence have made public security a major concern to voters throughout Latin America. Existing research predicts that such widespread concerns should make public security a consistently successful issue in presidential election campaigns. Yet recent empirical reality in Latin America has been more varied. This study argues that success on public security is not so automatic. Human rights concerns combine with low trust in security forces to make success on security contingent on the correct conditions. Two key conditions affect the use of the issue: the degree to which security threats are organized and the degree to which recent repression has occurred. Then, winning votes depends on two further conditions: having a civilian background and a campaign that balances security with other issues. Together, these factors explain the dramatic variation in success, and suggest a key change from Latin America's past.


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