A Public–Private Networking and Partnership Model: The Gatton Academy of Mathematics and Science

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Derick B. Strode ◽  
Julia Link Roberts ◽  
Lynette Breedlove
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Learning Opportunities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Partnership Model ◽  
Internship Programs ◽  
Private Networking ◽  
Corporate Partnerships ◽  
Western Kentucky ◽  
Western Kentucky University ◽  
Mathematics And Science

This article profiles public–private partnerships and networks established by the public, residential, STEM-focused Carol Martin Gatton Academy of Mathematics and Science in Kentucky. Authors discuss relationships and partnerships cultivated to extend student learning opportunities beyond what public support provides. The article focuses first on key partnerships that were imagined when the program was created, profiling how these relationships have evolved in the program’s first 12 years. These foundational partnerships include the program’s integration with Western Kentucky University and a model designed to partner with every school district in the state. The authors then take a wider view of program partnerships, spotlighting relationships within the program’s portfolio of philanthropic networking, external funding, and corporate partnerships. The network of partnerships profiled includes strategies to endow summer internship programs, need-based scholarship funding, and to provide a rounded arts education in a STEM-focused learning environment.

Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on Iraq and the Elasticity of Reality

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew A. Baum ◽  
Tim Groeling
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sustained Change ◽  
Disaggregated Data ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Over Time

AbstractPrevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depends primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concerning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in the conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (especially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public perceptions of “reality” very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers more information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challenge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an original survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated data from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.

On the Threshold of Compliance Public Charities and the Public Support Test

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Newton
Keyword(s):  
Financial Support ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Large Sample ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Charities ◽  
Support Threshold

This study investigates how public charities respond to the public support test – an IRS requirement that at least one-third of a public charity’s financial support is derived from public sources.  Using a large sample of 836,920 charity-year observations during 2009-2018, I find that a disproportionately large number of charities exceed the 33⅓% public support threshold by a small margin.  This result holds only for public charities actually subject to the test (six years of age or older) and not young charities that automatically retain public charity status.  Further, I find that charities that unexpectedly just meet public support test are more likely to understate fundraising expenses.  This evidence implies that the public support levels of charities that just surpass the 33⅓% threshold are likely misrepresented.  Overall, my findings provide new insights into a vitally important regulatory threshold that has been largely neglected in existing research.

Transnational Protest and The Public Sphere

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Beyeler ◽  
Hanspeter Kriesi
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Economic Globalization ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Selection Of

This article explores the impact of protests against economic globalization in the public sphere. The focus is on two periodical events targeted by transnational protests: the ministerial conferences of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the annual meetings of the World Economic Forum (WEF). Based on a selection of seven quality newspapers published in different parts of the world, we trace media attention, support of the activists, as well as the broader public debate on economic globalization. We find that starting with Seattle, protest events received extensive media coverage. Media support of the street activists, especially in the case of the anti-WEF protests, is however rather low. Nevertheless, despite the low levels of support that street protesters received, many of their issues obtain wide public support.

Public Support for Policies to Reduce School Shootings: A Moral-Altruistic Model

2020 ◽  
pp. 002242782095320
Author(s):  
Alexander L. Burton ◽  
Justin T. Pickett ◽  
Cheryl Lero Jonson ◽  
Francis T. Cullen ◽  
Velmer S. Burton
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
School Safety ◽  
Public Support ◽  
School Shootings ◽  
Mass Murder ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
School Crime ◽  
Moral Intuitions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Altruistic Fear

Objectives: The recurring mass murder of students in schools has sparked an intense debate about how best to increase school safety. Because public opinion weighs heavily in this debate, we examine public views on how best to prevent school shootings. We theorize that three moral-altruistic factors are likely to be broadly relevant to public opinion on school safety policies: moral intuitions about harm, anger about school crime, and altruistic fear. Methods: We commissioned YouGov to survey 1,100 Americans to explore support for a range of gun control and school programming policies and willingness to pay for school target hardening. We test the ability of a moral-altruistic model to explain public opinion, while controlling for the major predictors of gun control attitudes found in the social sciences. Results: The public strongly supports policies that restrict who can access guns, expand school anti-bullying and counseling programs, and target-harden schools. While many factors influence attitudes toward gun-related policies specifically, moral-altruistic factors significantly increase support for all three types of school safety policies. Conclusions: The public favors a comprehensive policy response and is willing to pay for it. Support for prevention efforts reflects moral intuitions about harm, anger about school crime, and altruistic fear.

A Radiation Laboratory Curriculum Development at Western Kentucky University

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander P. Barzilov ◽  
Ivan S. Novikov ◽  
Phil C. Womble ◽  
Floyd D. McDaniel ◽  
Barney L. Doyle
Keyword(s):  
Curriculum Development ◽  
Radiation Laboratory ◽  
Western Kentucky ◽  
Western Kentucky University

Discursive Democracy and New Labour: Five Ways in Which Decision-Makers Manage Citizen Agendas in Public Participation Initiatives

2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Williams
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Labour Policy ◽  
The Government

New Labour's conceptualisation of public participation in local government creates a tension in public participation practice. Government legislation and guidance require local authorities to develop and provide citizen-centred services, engage the public in policy-making and respond to the public's views. Seen in this light, New Labour policy draws from radical democratic discourse. However, local authority staff are also expected to act in accordance with the direction set by their line managers, the Council and the government and to inform, engage and persuade the public of the benefit of their authority's policies. In this respect, New Labour policy draws from the discursive model of civil society, conceptualising public participation as a method for engendering civil ownership of the formal structures of representative democracy. Tension is likely to arise when the ideas, opinions and values of the local authority differ from those expressed by the participating public. This paper uses a local ‘public participation’ initiative to investigate how the tension is managed in practice. The study shows how decision-makers dealt with the tension by using participatory initiatives to supply information, understand the views of the public and encourage public support around pre-existing organisational agendas. Problems occurred when citizens introduced new agendas by breaking or manipulating the rules of participation. Decision-makers responded by using a number of distinctive methods for managing citizens’ agendas, some of which were accompanied by strategies for minimising the injury done to citizens’ motivations for further participation. The paper concludes that New Labour policy fails to deal with the tensions between the radical and discursive models of participation and in the final analysis draws mainly from the discursive model of participation. Furthermore, whilst New Labour policy promotes dialogue between the public and local authority, it does not empower local authority staff to achieve the goal of citizen-centred policy-making.

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