Discursive Democracy and New Labour: Five Ways in Which Decision-Makers Manage Citizen Agendas in Public Participation Initiatives

2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Williams

New Labour's conceptualisation of public participation in local government creates a tension in public participation practice. Government legislation and guidance require local authorities to develop and provide citizen-centred services, engage the public in policy-making and respond to the public's views. Seen in this light, New Labour policy draws from radical democratic discourse. However, local authority staff are also expected to act in accordance with the direction set by their line managers, the Council and the government and to inform, engage and persuade the public of the benefit of their authority's policies. In this respect, New Labour policy draws from the discursive model of civil society, conceptualising public participation as a method for engendering civil ownership of the formal structures of representative democracy. Tension is likely to arise when the ideas, opinions and values of the local authority differ from those expressed by the participating public. This paper uses a local ‘public participation’ initiative to investigate how the tension is managed in practice. The study shows how decision-makers dealt with the tension by using participatory initiatives to supply information, understand the views of the public and encourage public support around pre-existing organisational agendas. Problems occurred when citizens introduced new agendas by breaking or manipulating the rules of participation. Decision-makers responded by using a number of distinctive methods for managing citizens’ agendas, some of which were accompanied by strategies for minimising the injury done to citizens’ motivations for further participation. The paper concludes that New Labour policy fails to deal with the tensions between the radical and discursive models of participation and in the final analysis draws mainly from the discursive model of participation. Furthermore, whilst New Labour policy promotes dialogue between the public and local authority, it does not empower local authority staff to achieve the goal of citizen-centred policy-making.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Aliyuna Pratisti

Environmental problems are amongst the most complex issues faced by the government. The reason why such problem is difficult to tackle lie within its basic assumption which often contradictory to the country’s development agenda. Take an example of Cement Plant controversy that happened recently – the plant that situated in Mount Kendeng, Pati, Central Java, considered harmful to the surrounding and threatening the environmental right of the people who lives in nearby areas. This case can be referred as government misconduct on neglecting basic environmental right. Environmental rights itself are commonly understood as the reformulation and expansion of existing human rights and duties in the context of environmental protection. However, although it has received much attention at grass root level conveyed by activist group and people based community, environmental rights still do not have strong recognition, whether in domestic level and also in international level. Therefore, this research attempt to modulate recognition on environmental right by emphasizing ecological democracy perspective, particularly in public participation in environmental policy making. Public participation is vital to ecological democracy as the key to sustainable development and in defending the environmental rights. The concept itself tries to bridge the government and public needs – to ensure that the public can participate in any ways by providing feedback and solutions. There are three main types of environmental rights – procedural, substantive, and solidarity. As for this research, we will focus on solidarity aspects, to explain the public engagement in environmental policy making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-404
Author(s):  
Maurice S. Nyarangaa ◽  
Chen Hao ◽  
Duncan O. Hongo

Public participation aimed at improving the effectiveness of governance by involving citizens in governance policy formulation and decision-making processes. It was designed to promote transparency, accountability and effectiveness of any modern government. Although Kenya has legally adopted public participation in day-to-day government activities, challenges still cripple its effectiveness as documented by several scholars. Instead of reducing conflicts between the government and the public, it has heightened witnessing so many petitions of government missing on priorities in terms of development and government policies. Results show that participation weakly relates with governance hence frictions sustainable development. Theoretically, public participation influences governance efficiency and development, directly and indirectly, thus sustainable development policy and implementation depends on Public participation and good governance. However, an effective public participation in governance is has been fractioned by the government. Instead of being a promoter/sponsor of public participation, the government of Kenya has failed to put structures that would spur participation of citizens in policy making and other days to activities. This has brought about wrong priority setting and misappropriation of public resources; The government officials and political class interference ultimately limit public opinion and input effects on decision-making and policy formulation, which might be an inner factor determining the failure of public participation in Kenya. The study suggests the need for strengthening public participation by establishing an independent institution to preside over public participation processes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutia Silvia Rose

Partisipasi masyarakat adalah perwujudan dari masyarakat di dalam negara demokrasi, dimana pemerintahan yang di dasarkan kepada rakyat merupakan tujuan utama kehidupan berpolitik, baik dalam kebijakan maupun dalam tujuan pemerintahan. Perda Label Batik Pekalongan merupakan peraturan daerah yang mengatur tentang suatu tanda yang menunjukkan identitas dan ciri batik buatan Pekalongan yang terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu batik tulis, batik cap atau batik kombinasi tulis dan cap. Tujuan dibentuknya Perda tersebut adalah agar masyarakat dan konsumen Batik Pekalongan tidak dirugikan akibat dari salah dalam membedakan jenis batik. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan Perda tentang penggunaan label batik Pekalongan masih bersifat elitis, karena yang mendominasi mengikuti public hearing hanya pengusaha kelas atas yaitu seseorang atau kelompok orang yang memproduksi seni batik dalam bentuk tulis, cap dan kombinasi dalam jumlah besar, sudah mempunyai nama merek yang terkenal, dan pemasarannya sudah sangat luas baik di dalam negeri maupun di luar negeri. Partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan perda tentang label batik pekalongan yang masih bersifat elitis dapat berpengaruh karakteristik produk hukum yang di hasilkan yaitu lebih menguntungkan pengusaha batik kelas atas, karena dalam pembuatan label batik Pekalongan merugikan dalam segi ekonomis bagi  pengusaha kelas menengah dan bawah.<br /><br />Community participation is the embodiment of the people in a democracy, where the government is based on the people as the ultimate goal of political life, both in policy and administration purposes. Label the Perda Batik Pekalongan local regulation of Batik Pekalongan Label is a sign which indicates the identity and characteristics of batik from Pekalongan which consists of three types of batik, batik or batik and stamp combination. Purpose of the establishment of the regulation is that the public and consumers are not harmed Batik Pekalongan result of incorrect in distinguishing the types of batik. The result of this research indicates that participation in the formation of legislation on the use of Pekalongan batik label still elitist, because that dominate following the public hearing only top-class entrepreneurs is a person or group of people who produce batik art in written form, stamp and combinations in bulk, already has a well-known brand names, and marketing has been very widely both domestically and abroad. Public participation in the formation of regulations about labeling Pekalongan batik is still elitist may influence the characteristics of a legal product that produced batik entrepreneurs are more favorable upper classes, as in the manufacture of Pekalongan batik label in terms of economic harm to employers middle and lower classes.<br /><br />


Author(s):  
Helen Pallett

Background:Debates about evidence-based policy (EBP) were revived in the UK in the 2010s in the context of civil service reform and changing practices of policy making, including institutionalisation of public participation in science policy making. Aims and objectives:This paper aims to explore this revival of interest in EBP in the context of the Government-funded public participation programme Sciencewise, which supports and promotes public dialogues in science policy making. It is based on in-depth ethnographic study of the programme during 2013, considering the impacts on Sciencewise practices and working understandings of engaging in the EBP debate. There is a particular focus on the advantages and disadvantages of categorising public participation as a source of evidence-based policy as opposed to presenting participation as a democratic act which is separate from discussions of EBP. Key conclusions:At different times Sciencewise actors moved between these stances in order to gain credibility and attention for their work, and to situate the outcomes of public participation processes in a broader policy context. In some instances the presentation of outputs from public participation processes as legitimate evidence for policy gave them greater influence and enriched broader discussions about the meaning and practice of open policy. However, it also frequently led to their dismissal on methodological grounds, inhibiting serious engagement with their outputs and challenging internal frameworks for evaluation and learning.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002085232094366
Author(s):  
Won No ◽  
Lily Hsueh

This study examines the relationship between inclusiveness with respect to the structural design of the participatory process and resource allocation outcomes in participatory budgeting. Empirically, this article examines the case of participatory budgeting in Seoul, South Korea, where redistribution is not an explicit goal. Findings suggest that creating organizational structures that enable and encourage public participation has led Seoul’s participatory budgeting to distribute public funds toward poor neighborhoods. Points for practitioners Participatory budgeting is an exemplar practice of public participation in the government decision-making process. It is a local budgeting practice that allows the public to participate, discuss, deliberate, and decide where and how to spend public money. This study highlights the importance of designing inclusive organizational structures in participatory budgeting to encourage public participation. Empirical results underscore the link between inclusive organizational structures and more equitable allocation outcomes.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL ORTON ◽  
PETER RATCLIFFE

In 2003 the UK government set an objective that in ten years' time Britain's minority ethnic groups should not face disproportionate barriers in the labour market. A key ‘barrier’ is discrimination by employers. This article examines one potential way forward: the use of contract compliance. First, the article presents findings from the authors' study of an innovative use of contract compliance by a group of local authorities in the West Midlands. If contract compliance can be made to work and New Labour is committed to addressing racial inequality in employment, this suggests that contract compliance is an approach that the government should be seeking to develop. The second part of the article therefore considers New Labour's stance on contract compliance, which can be seen to be highly ambiguous. It is argued that if contract compliance is located within the broader context of New Labour policy development, what is apparent is that the professed aspiration for social change is compromised by a dominant commitment to the maintenance of neo-liberal economic policies. The conclusion is that it is likely that only limited progress will be made in achieving racial equality in employment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (575) ◽  
pp. 860-891
Author(s):  
Ian Cawood

Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Jessica S. C. Ng

Abstract Introduction Under austerity, governments shift responsibilities for social welfare to individuals. Such responsibilization can be intertwined with pre-existing social stigmas, with sexually stigmatized individuals blamed more for health problems due to “irresponsible” sexual behavior. To understand how sexual stigma affects attitudes on government healthcare expenditures, we examine public support for government-provisioned PrEP in England at a time when media narratives cast the drug as an expensive benefit for a small, irresponsible social group and the National Health Service’s long-term sustainability was in doubt. Methods This paper uses data from an original survey (N = 738) conducted in September 2016, when public opinion should be most sensitive to sexual stigma. A survey experiment tests how the way beneficiaries of PrEP were described affected support for NHS provision of it. Contrary to expectations, we found that support was high (mean = 3.86 on a scale of 1 to 5) irrespective of language used or beneficiary group mentioned. Differences between conditions were negligible. Discussion Sexual stigma does not diminish support for government-funded PrEP, which may be due to reverence for the NHS; resistance to responsibilization generally; or just to HIV, with the public influenced by sympathy and counter-messaging. Social policy implications Having misjudged public attitudes, it may be difficult for the government to continue to justify not funding PrEP; the political rationale for contracting out its provision is unnecessary and flawed. With public opinion resilient to responsibilization narratives and sexual stigma even under austerity, welfare retrenchment may be more difficult than social policymakers presume.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Carlson

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.


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