Sanctuary Cities: Public Attitudes Toward Enforcement Collaboration Between Local Police and Federal Immigration Authorities

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason P. Casellas ◽  
Sophia Jordán Wallace

Local law enforcement has dramatically increased its cooperation with federal immigration enforcement, while other localities refuse to cooperate. Although scholars have examined how sanctuary cities may differ from other places in terms of crime rates, attitudes toward local law enforcement’s collaboration with federal immigration authorities remain understudied. We utilize original data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey (CCES) to study attitudes toward local/federal collaboration. Our results demonstrate that those who most recognize the racial advantage of Whites are significantly less likely to support collaboration between local police and federal authorities. Confirming prior work, our results also support the critical role of partisanship, nativity, and education in explaining attitudes toward sanctuary policies. Our findings have important implications for understanding attitudes toward immigration enforcement and policies.

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amada Armenta

Deporting “criminal aliens” has become the highest priority in American immigration enforcement. Today, most deportations are achieved through the “crimmigration” system, a term that describes the convergence of the criminal justice and immigration enforcement systems. Emerging research argues that U.S. immigration enforcement is a “racial project” that subordinates and racializes Latino residents in the United States. This article examines the role of local law enforcement agencies in the racialization process by focusing on the techniques and logics that drive law enforcement practices across two agencies, I argue that local law enforcement agents racialize Latinos by punishing illegality through their daily, and sometimes mundane, practices. Investigatory traffic stops put Latinos at disproportionate risk of arrest and citation, and processing at the local jail subjects unauthorized immigrants to deportation. Although a variety of local actors sustain the deportation system, most do not see themselves as active participants in immigrant removal and they explain their behavior through a colorblind ideology. This colorblind ideology obscures and naturalizes how organizational practices and laws converge to systematically criminalize and punish Latinos in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 419-433
Author(s):  
John W. B. Tomlinson

A significant proportion of Church of England clergy in the early nineteenth century took up the role of magistrate to help enforce the law in local communities, partly in consequence of the growth of clerical wealth and status which had begun in the previous century. This legal role was perceived by some as contradictory to clerical pastoral duties, and as such detrimental to the church. Some would view it as contributing to a decline of the Church of England, which was seen as too much associated with the established powers in an era of social change. After the peak of the 1830s, the number of clerical magistrates began to fall dramatically, marking the emergence of a more exclusively religious clerical profession uneasy with the antagonisms associated with local law enforcement. This study, focusing on the diverse county of Staffordshire, presents the case that the decline of the clerical magistracy is an early indicator of the withdrawal of the clergy from involvement in secular concerns, and as such provides important evidence for the growth of secularization in British society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 115 (37) ◽  
pp. 9181-9186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Mummolo

The increasingly visible presence of heavily armed police units in American communities has stoked widespread concern over the militarization of local law enforcement. Advocates claim militarized policing protects officers and deters violent crime, while critics allege these tactics are targeted at racial minorities and erode trust in law enforcement. Using a rare geocoded census of SWAT team deployments from Maryland, I show that militarized police units are more often deployed in communities with large shares of African American residents, even after controlling for local crime rates. Further, using nationwide panel data on local police militarization, I demonstrate that militarized policing fails to enhance officer safety or reduce local crime. Finally, using survey experiments—one of which includes a large oversample of African American respondents—I show that seeing militarized police in news reports may diminish police reputation in the mass public. In the case of militarized policing, the results suggest that the often-cited trade-off between public safety and civil liberties is a false choice.


Author(s):  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas

Implementing the Department of Homeland Security’s criminal enforcement priorities—even in a punitive state like Arizona—has not been automatic. In a border region dependent on cross-border flows of people, goods, and money, implementing new crime-centered enforcement priorities did not generate the widespread consensus expressed in Congress. On the contrary, the federal mandate evoked tensions among border agents, local law enforcement, immigrant advocates, and Mexican officials on the ground. This chapter examines how front-line agents’ relations to other players involved in immigration enforcement shaped the ways in which enforcement priorities took hold, with local actors serving as both protectors and prosecutors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 114 (1) ◽  
pp. 222-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL M. THOMPSON

Is local law enforcement conducted differently based on the party in power? I offer an answer to this question by focusing on a case in which law enforcement is elected and has meaningful independent discretion: sheriff compliance with federal requests to detain unauthorized immigrants. Using a regression discontinuity design in a new dataset of over 3,200 partisan sheriff elections and administrative data on sheriff behavior, I find that Democrats and Republicans comply at nearly the same rate. These results contribute to ongoing research into the role that partisanship plays in local policy making, indicating that law enforcement officers make similar choices across party lines even when they have broad authority. I also present evidence that sheriffs hold more similar immigration enforcement views across party than the general public, highlighting the role of candidate entry and selection in determining the level of partisan polarization.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Tom K. Wong ◽  
S. Deborah Kang ◽  
Carolina Valdivia ◽  
Josefina Espino ◽  
Michelle Gonzalez ◽  
...  

The day-to-day behaviors of undocumented immigrants are significantly affected when local law enforcement officials do the work of federal immigration enforcement. One such behavior, which has been widely discussed in debates over so-called sanctuary policies, is that undocumented immigrants are less likely to report crimes to the police when local law enforcement officials work with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on federal immigration enforcement. However, the mechanism that explains this relationship of decreased trust in law enforcement has not yet been systematically tested. Do undocumented immigrants become less trusting of police officers and sheriffs when local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement? To answer this, we embedded an experiment that varied the interior immigration enforcement context in a survey (n = 512) drawn from a probability-based sample of undocumented immigrants. When local law enforcement officials work with ICE on federal immigration enforcement, respondents are statistically significantly less likely to say that they trust that police officers and sheriffs will keep them, their families, and their communities safe; will protect the confidentiality of witnesses to crimes even if they are undocumented; will protect the rights of all people equally, including undocumented immigrants; and will protect undocumented immigrants from abuse or discrimination.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pedroza

This document includes a list of local law enforcement agencies (LEAs) that submitted applications and inquiries to the federal government regarding the 287(g) immigration enforcement program. The information described in this document was originally obtained and shared via Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests to the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) – first by Justin Cox and later by William Rosales. In preparing this document, I have reviewed and requested copies of the documents from DHS and have compared information obtained in documents obtained by Cox and Rosales. Corrections to the information below will be included in update versions of this document, which will be noted on the title page.


Author(s):  
Suharyo Suharyo

<p>Pelaksanaan desentralisasi merupakan kebijakan negara sebagai upaya mendekatkan pelayanan masyarakat dan kesejahteraan rakyat, menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat, serta good governance , ternyata berimplikasi negatif dengan menyuburnya korupsi di daerah. Untuk itu tulisan ini berusaha meneliti apa yang menyebabkan perilaku korupsi pada era desentralisasi serta bagaimana optimalisasi pemberantasan korupsi di tengah desentralisasi. Dengan menggunakan metode yuridis normatif disimpulkan bahwa penegak hukum di daerah tidak optimal dalam pemberantasan korupsi di wilayah hukumnya. Salah satunya adalah disebabkan keterbatasan jumlah penyidik KPK yang harus beroperasi di seluruh Indonesia. Perubahan Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004, yang diawali dengan diundangkannya Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa, dan menyusul Perpu Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota, serta Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah, dalam implementasinya diharapkan mampu mendinamisasikan serta meningkatkan derajat desentralisasi, dapat meminimalisir epidemi korupsi di daerah. Penguatan jajaran penegak hukum di daerah serta strategi represif merupakan upaya yang harus dikedepankan dalam optimalisasi pemberantasan korupsi.</p><p>The decentralization is a state policy to draw between public service and public welfare, emerging public participation and good governance, infact have negative implications for corruption at the local area increasingly. Therefore this paper try to examine what caused corruptive behaviour in the decentralization era as well as how to optimize corruption eradication in the decentralization era. Using normative juridis method, it can be concluded that the role of law enforcement officer in local area did not combat corruption within his jurisdiction optimally. It was caused by limited number of Corruption Eradication Commission’s investigators which cover all areas in Indonesia. The amendment of Law number 32 year 2004, begins with the enactment of Law Number 6 year 2014 regarding Village and immediately followed by Government Regulations in lieu of Laws Number 1 year 2014 regarding Election of Governor, Regent and Major and also Law Number 23 year 2014 regarding Amandment of Local Government, it was expected to dynamize and develop decentralization in implementation could decrease corruption epidemic in local area. Strengthening of local law enforcement officers and also repressive strategy are prioritized in optimizing the eradication of corruption.</p>


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