Is there a non-socialist Swedish feminism?

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Molina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postcolonial Feminism ◽  
Academic World ◽  
Structural Class ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Gender Research ◽  
History Of

Based on a narrative of the recent history of postcolonial feminism within and outside the Swedish academic world, this article discusses the controversial relationship between feminism and politics. Installing a socialist inspired perspective on intersectionality in Swedish feminist debates and in gender research has been a hard task for postcolonial feminists in a society whose self-imagination excludes the recognition of racism as a fundamental component of the national identity. Moreover, as the country moves rapidly towards a neoliberalization of the former Keynesian Swedish welfare state, racism and homo-nationalism spreads out and permeates the political sphere and state institutions. The author emphasizes the importance for postcolonial feminists to continuously highlight the chasm that exists between neoliberal understandings of gender equality, which are not meant to eradicate structural class, gender, racial or other social inequalities, and those emanating from socialist and anti-racist feministic ontologies.

scholarly journals Beyond prejudice: Are negative evaluations the problem and is getting us to like one another more the solution?

2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 411-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Dixon ◽  
Mark Levine ◽  
Steve Reicher ◽  
Kevin Durrheim
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Prejudice Reduction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intergroup Emotions ◽  
Action Model ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Ironic Effects

AbstractFor most of the history of prejudice research, negativity has been treated as its emotional and cognitive signature, a conception that continues to dominate work on the topic. By this definition, prejudice occurs when we dislike or derogate members of other groups. Recent research, however, has highlighted the need for a more nuanced and “inclusive” (Eagly 2004) perspective on the role of intergroup emotions and beliefs in sustaining discrimination. On the one hand, several independent lines of research have shown that unequal intergroup relations are often marked by attitudinal complexity, with positive responses such as affection and admiration mingling with negative responses such as contempt and resentment. Simple antipathy is the exception rather than the rule. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that nurturing bonds of affection between the advantaged and the disadvantaged sometimes entrenches rather than disrupts wider patterns of discrimination. Notably, prejudice reduction interventions may have ironic effects on the political attitudes of the historically disadvantaged, decreasing their perceptions of injustice and willingness to engage in collective action to transform social inequalities.These developments raise a number of important questions. Has the time come to challenge the assumption that negative evaluations are inevitably the cognitive and affective hallmarks of discrimination? Is the orthodox concept of prejudice in danger of side-tracking, if not obstructing, progress towards social justice in a fuller sense? What are the prospects for reconciling a prejudice reduction model of change, designed to get people to like one another more, with a collective action model of change, designed to ignite struggles to achieve intergroup equality?

From Bullets to Bureaucracy

2019 ◽  
pp. 63-86
Author(s):  
Casey Marina Lurtz
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
History Of ◽  
Physical Spaces

Order and progress have long defined both the ambitions and achievements of governments across Latin America at the turn of the century. This chapter demonstrates how local actors also put those ideas into play, working around political violence by engaging with state bureaucracy. In parallel to the political history of popular liberalism, this chapter traces a popular history bureaucratic liberalism. Beginning with the history of a local cacique’s rise to the state governorship, it then traces his decline through the gradual reworking of the apparatus and physical spaces of state institutions into places where producers could work around the cacique’s arbitrary exercise of power. This sidestepping of political authority set the stage for local control over the implementation of reform, even after the cacique’s death. Administration substituted for electoral politics, but administration itself became a means of local assertions of self-governance.

A la conquista de la clase obrera: Los comunistas y el mundo del trabajo en la Argentina, 1920-1935 Historia del trotskismo en Argentina y América Latina Marx en la Argentina: Sus primeros lectores obreros, intelectuales y científicos

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
Lucas Poy ◽  
Daniel Gaido
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
Early History ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Reading Public ◽  
Academic World ◽  
English Reading ◽  
History Of ◽  
America Latina

AbstractArgentine historiography in general, and the history of the Argentine Left in particular, does not receive the attention it deserves in the Anglo-Saxon academic world, due to linguistic and cultural barriers. In this article, we attempt to review for the English-reading public three recent contributions to the history of Marxism in Argentina (Horacio Tarcus’s Marx en la Argentina: Sus primeros lectores obreros, intelectuales y científicos, Hernán Camarero’s A la conquista de la clase obrera: Los comunistas y el mundo del trabajo en la Argentina, 1920-1935 and Osvaldo Coggiola’s Historia del trotskismo en Argentina y América Latina) covering the entire historical spectrum from the early history of Argentine socialism to the history of the PCA and, finally, to the history of local Trotskyism. We attempt to place these works in the context of Argentine historiography and of the political context in which those books were written.

scholarly journals Kungfu/wǔshù in the promotion of China’s culture and image

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Ewa Ciembroniewicz
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Human Activity ◽  
Martial Arts ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Tradition ◽  
Sports Diplomacy ◽  
Cultural Aspect ◽  
History Of

AbstractSport is a specific form of human activity, contingent on the political and socio-cultural history of a given region/state, strengthening national identity and sense of the distinctiveness of entities living in that region or state. At the same time, it has an unquestionable influence on the process of building and strengthening the country’s image in the international arena.Chinese martial arts are treated not only as a sport called wǔshù, but also as a carrier of centuries-old Chinese tradition. This cultural aspect of kungfu/wǔshù means that the promotion of these martial arts should be considered not only from the perspective of sports diplomacy, but also from a broader perspective, based on the analysis of cultural diplomatic activity in China.

scholarly journals Constructing ‘Canadians’: a discourse analysis of political constructions in the Discover Canada Citizenship Guide

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangeetha Nagendran
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
National History ◽  
Systemic Racism ◽  
Canadian Identity ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Specific Construction

Under Stephen Harper’s leadership, the Conservative government took active steps to maintain a particular Canadian identity. This notion is grounded in changes made to immigration policies and in Discover Canada, “where nation-specific definitions of citizenship” (Winter, 2014, p. 1) are outlined extensively. Discover Canada provides immigrants access to a specific construction of national history, while also highlighting Canada’s pride in its multiculturalism. Thus, when considering Discover Canada as a representation of Canada’s national identity, this MRP will interrogate the underlying discourses on which it is based by critically examining the guidebook. While the guidebook attempts to be inclusive—by including sections on ‘Aboriginal Peoples’ and ‘Diversity in Canada’— it paradoxically provides a romanticized vision of history that fails to recognize persisting social inequalities resulting from a deeply rooted history of colonialism and systemic racism. This problematic portrayal of Canadian history, identity and multiculturalism may significantly disservice immigrants who seek meaningful inclusion and representation in Canada. Key words: Political constructions and representations; national identity; citizenship; racialized immigrants and minorities; multiculturalism.

scholarly journals Constructing ‘Canadians’: a discourse analysis of political constructions in the Discover Canada Citizenship Guide

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangeetha Nagendran
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Aboriginal Peoples ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
National History ◽  
Systemic Racism ◽  
Canadian Identity ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Specific Construction

Under Stephen Harper’s leadership, the Conservative government took active steps to maintain a particular Canadian identity. This notion is grounded in changes made to immigration policies and in Discover Canada, “where nation-specific definitions of citizenship” (Winter, 2014, p. 1) are outlined extensively. Discover Canada provides immigrants access to a specific construction of national history, while also highlighting Canada’s pride in its multiculturalism. Thus, when considering Discover Canada as a representation of Canada’s national identity, this MRP will interrogate the underlying discourses on which it is based by critically examining the guidebook. While the guidebook attempts to be inclusive—by including sections on ‘Aboriginal Peoples’ and ‘Diversity in Canada’— it paradoxically provides a romanticized vision of history that fails to recognize persisting social inequalities resulting from a deeply rooted history of colonialism and systemic racism. This problematic portrayal of Canadian history, identity and multiculturalism may significantly disservice immigrants who seek meaningful inclusion and representation in Canada. Key words: Political constructions and representations; national identity; citizenship; racialized immigrants and minorities; multiculturalism.

scholarly journals Fathers, Sons, and Identity in the Galicia. Mykola Hankevyč and Henryk Wereszycki

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 73-77
Author(s):  
Ihor ČORNOVOL
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
National Memory ◽  
In Captivity ◽  
History Of

The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.

scholarly journals On the Identification of So-Called “Meskhetian Turks”

2019 ◽  
pp. 162-171
Author(s):  
Tina Ivelashvili
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Research Process ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
International Agencies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiethnic Population

Introduction. The problem of repatriation of the Muslim population, so-called “Meskhetian Turks” exiled in 1944 from Samtskhe-Javakheti and acceptance of their national identity has long worried Georgian people. The opinions on this subject vary drastically. Depending on the political situation, this issue periodically emerges (possibly deliberately) as a controversy. Comparison and analysis of currently available written sources, special and general literature, documents, recently studied ethnographic materials finally provide an opportunity to define who the “Meskhetian Turks” are. In addition, they reveal who is benefiting from using this artificially created term and for what purpose. Methods and materials. The materials concerning these problems and their classification are based on the methods developed by Ac.G. Chitaia, the founder of Georgian Ethnographic School. They contain different methods of complex-intensive as well as generalization and historical characters. Analysis. Muslimized population (Tarakams, Kurds, Turks, and later Georgian Muslims) mostly lived in Akhalkalaki and Akhaltsikhe provinces before the exile. Prior to 1940, the religious and ethnic composition of the population was rather diverse. This area was inhabited by indigenous Christians and partly Islamized Georgians. They were later joined by sheltered Kurds, Turks, Armenians and Karapapakhs. Calling them “Meskhetian Turks” has a specific purpose and the term is artificially spread in Georgian society. This type of action does not happen in any other country. One may wonder if various governmental, non-governmental and international agencies that have appeared in Georgia like mushrooms after the rain, know about this fact. Or, maybe they know it but under the influence of the governing forces of “the new order” and wholesome funding they deliberately destroy the national identity and integrity of the centuries-old history of the Georgian nation. One should use the term “Muslimized Meskhetians” but never “Meskhetian Turks” (the diverse tribal muslim population exiled from Samtskhe-Javakheti) to refer to the population of several million indigenous muslimized Georgians who are living on their historic territory (Tao-Klarjeti, Kola- Artaani, Shavsheti, Lazistan, etc.), currently Turkey. Results. The research process highlights the following: according to the results of the study, it becomes possible to develop a number of recommendations which will help the multiethnic population of Samtskhe-Javakhethi live in a peaceful way and accelerate the adaptation and integration processes.

Sons of a Beach

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Nouri Gana
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Child Molestation ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
History Of ◽  
Familial Relations ◽  
New Generation

This article examines the cultural politics of bastardy in the films of Tunisian filmmaker Nouri Bouzid at a time when questions of national and cultural identity have come to the fore in Tunisia in the wake of the Revolution of Freedom and Dignity. Nouri Bouzid is the doyen of Tunisian cinema. Not only was he involved in every major postcolonial film, whether as a screenwriter, a scriptwriter, or even as an actor, but he single-handedly directed more than half a dozen films, each of which enjoyed wide national and international acclaim. His debut film, Man of Ashes, dramatizes the trauma of child molestation and the collapse of filial relations as well as the emergence of a new generation of men who seek to recast filial and familial relations beyond blood ties and familial limitations. This same cinematic pursuit is further developed in his later films with striking consistency and perseverance. At a time when the postrevolutionary public sphere is saturated with heated debates around Tunisian national identity, propelled by fantasies of purity and virile filiation, Bouzid’s bastard characters serve, the author argues, not only to warp and reclaim the political playing field for revolutionary purposes but also to remind Tunisians of the disturbing legacy of bastardy (instituted by a long history of colonial rape from the Romans to the French) to which they had been and continue to be heirs, and with which they have to reckon. Studying the rhetoric of bastardy in Bouzid’s cinema leaves us in the end with the touching yet unsparing conclusion that for Bouzid there are no Tunisians until they have assumed their bastardy.

The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”

2004 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 469-478
Author(s):  
Francesca Locatelli
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
High Court ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of

Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.

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