Colonial responses to youth crime in Hong Kong: Penal elitism, legitimacy and citizenship

2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Adorjan ◽  
Wing Hong Chui

This article examines colonial responses to youth crime in Hong Kong, focusing on the 1960s, when riots involving large numbers of youth drew concern among officials over spillover from the Cultural Revolution in Mainland China; and on the 1970s, when the Government initiated a program of state building focused on instilling citizen identification with Hong Kong, youth in particular. Elite reaction is examined through a series of Legislative Council debates, declassified official reports and governmental Annual Reports. The article argues that youth crime control in Hong Kong’s colonial context could best be understood using a penal elitist framework, one which remains influential today.

Subject Impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak on Hong Kong. Significance To curb the spread of COVID-19, the Hong Kong government has closed universities until mid-March and schools until April 20. Public facilities are closed until further notice. Civil servants have been asked to work from home, and the government has strongly encouraged private businesses to implement work-from-home arrangements. Only three of Hong Kong’s 13 border crossings with mainland China remain open, and anyone entering from mainland China must undergo a 14-day quarantine. Impacts The economy, already hit hard by the protest movement, will deteriorate further, with retail, tourism and hospitality especially affected. Even if Hong Kong controls the outbreak within its borders, economic weakness in China and elsewhere in Asia will constrain the recovery. The government’s perceived mismanagement of the crisis will hurt pro-government parties in Legislative Council elections in September.


2005 ◽  
Vol 184 ◽  
pp. 811-830 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fu Hualing

Re-education through labour (laodong jiaoyang or laojiao for short) is an administrative punishment imposed by the police. Since its inception in 1955, it has become a convenient instrument for the government to use to deal with any crisis. Its development has largely followed the ebb and flow of the CCP's political behaviour. Created as a comparatively mild suppression of counterrevolutionary activities, laojiao served as a useful instrument of punishment for dissenting intellectuals in 1958, though it was then nearly phased out during the radical years of the Cultural Revolution. Laojiao expanded quickly as a result of the CCP's anti-crime strategy after 1983, and has grown steadily ever since. It now serves multiple functions, including crime control, drug rehabilitation, investigative detention and political control. It enjoys different degrees of legitimacy and justification. Any substantive discussion on the future of laojiao has to be offence and offender specific.


Babel ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-360
Author(s):  
Clara Ho-yan Chan

The main purpose of this study is to compare and contrast the English-Chinese translated financial terms of Mainland China and Hong Kong in light of the necessary criteria for special communication terminology, and explore the feasibility of standardisation. Some distinctive linguistic properties and translation methods of the two regions’ Chinese financial terminology will be illustrated based on data from an industry glossary and major bank annual reports. The present situation is that Mainland China and Hong Kong display both similarities and differences in their Chinese translation of financial terms. With the increasing contact since the 1997 handover, the two regions appear to have been influencing each other, especially in that Mainland China has been adopting Hong Kong’s Chinese translations. In view of the fact that some translation scholars and practitioners advocate the standardisation of Chinese financial terminology in Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan for the sake of better economic development, this paper outlines the main properties of the two regions’ terminologies and evaluates how such standardisation might possibly proceed. Limited research has been done with regard to the translation of Chinese financial terminology and this exploratory study will fill that gap and attract similar studies in the translation and terminology fields.


Subject The demands set out by anti-government protesters in Hong Kong. Significance Mass protests have forced the government to withdraw an unpopular bill allowing extradition to mainland China. However, the protesters’ agenda has broadened to include four more demands: repudiation of the government’s designation of the protests as ‘riots’; amnesty for all protesters; an independent probe into the police’s use of force; and universal suffrage for the selection of Hong Kong’s chief executive. Impacts Investigations, trials and lawsuits will drag on for years, poisoning the political atmosphere and hindering cooperation between camps. Hong Kong’s independent judiciary may be a moderating influence. Replacing Lam would not be a fresh start; the process would spotlight Hong Kong’s lack of democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wai Ching Choy

Purpose This paper explores how the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSARG) securitizes internal security, cultural identity and welfare system through refugee policy instruments. It also aims to explore the roles of members of the Legislative Council (Legco) and Chinese newspapers in the securitization process. Design/methodology/approach The author analyzed 6 landmark verdicts, 342 related documents of the Legco, 2,386 news coverages and 408 editorials/ column articles from 6 selected Chinese newspapers from 2005 to mid-2019. While documents of the Legco were collected from the Legco archives, news reports, editorials and column articles were gathered on Wisenews with the keywords, namely, refugees, asylum seekers, torture claims and non-refoulement claims. Findings The author argues that the advanced comprehensive security approach helps to comprehend the securitization process in Hong Kong. The HKSARG, Legco members of the pro-government camp and pro-government Chinese newspapers perform as securitizing actors who regard refugees as an existential threat to the referent objects, i.e. internal security, cultural identity and welfare system. Research limitations/implications There are two significant limitations, namely, the coverage of newspapers and the absence of poll data. This paper merely selected six Chinese newspapers, which do not cover English newspapers and some other Chinese newspapers in Hong Kong. It may neglect some important data. Additionally, owing to the absence of longitudinal poll data, the author chose not to examine the related materials. Originality/value This paper intends to be the first study to provide a longitudinal examination of the transformations of current refugee policies in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Paul Yip ◽  
Mehdi Soleymani ◽  
Kam Pui Wat ◽  
Edward Pinkney ◽  
Kwok Fai Lam

In Hong Kong, approximately 300,000 children were born to Mainland China couples in the period 1991–2012. According to Basic Law, the mini constitution of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) government, these parents do not have residence rights, but their children do. As a result, most of these children have returned to Mainland China with their parents. An important consideration for policymakers is how many of these children (who are now adults in some cases) will return to Hong Kong for good, and when, as this will have a significant impact on social service provision, especially in the education sector, where it will be necessary to ensure there is capacity to meet the additional demand. Prior survey results conducted by the government suggested that more than 50% of these children would return to Hong Kong before age six. It is important to be able to provide a timely projection of the demand into the future. Here, we make use of the immigration records on the actual movement of these children and propose a Markov chain model to estimate their return rates in the future. Our results show that only about 25% of these children would return rather than 50% estimated by the survey. We also find that parents with better educational attainment levels are associated with lower return rates of their children. Timely and relevant social and public policies are needed to prepare for their return to minimize disruption to the local population and promote social harmony for the whole community.


2000 ◽  
Vol 162 ◽  
pp. 439-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum

Electoral democracy has been defined as “a system of government in which the principal positions of effective government power are filled, directly or indirectly, through meaningful, regular, free and fair… elections.” By this criterion, Hong Kong today falls short of being an electoral democracy. There are periodic elections, and there is a 60-seat Legislative Council (LegCo), at least some of whose members are chosen by universal adult suffrage. There are also a number of organized, highly articulate political parties whose legislative members are frequent, outspoken critics of the government and its policies. And there is a system of transparent electoral laws and procedures administered by a professionally neutral civil service, ensuring that elections remain free and fair. Yet for all its manifest electoral virtues, democracy in post-handover Hong Kong is highly constrained and confined, as noted in the previous article by Suzanne Pepper.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212199002
Author(s):  
Raymond KH Chan

Proximity to mainland China places Hong Kong at the forefront of the COVID-19 threat, and it has survived the test most of the time. It appears that public compliance with government advice on preventive measures and social distancing, plus the availability of tests and medical facilities, contributed to the successful handling of the crisis. While it is generally believed that trust is crucial for successful compliance and collaboration, a critical review of the case of Hong Kong shows that it was distrust, due to a lack of confidence and skepticism with regard to the government’s values, that caused the public to take early self-protective measures and initiated societal-wide self-help campaigns. Their compliance was actually with measures that the public themselves had demanded and agreed. The government was criticized for doing too little, too late; as well as for failing to put local people’s interests first, and acting for political motives. Despite the success in combating the virus, the government did not enjoy a proportionate gain in trust. This article argues that distrust in government was very much shaped by the perceived dissimilarity in salient values between the government and the public. A lack of transparency and participation in the decision-making process, as well as a lack of emotional connection with the public, also contributed to the distrust.


Author(s):  
Federica A. Broilo

Islam was introduced to Taiwan in two different periods via migrations of populations from the continent. The first one occurred in the seventeenth century in the wake of Ming loyalist Zheng Chenggong’s campaign of resistance against the Qing. The later one was in the mid-twentieth century following Chiang Kai-shek’s retreat to Taiwan after the defeat of the Nationalists in the Civil War against the Communist Party. Taipei’s Grand Mosque was built in 1960 following the second migration of Muslim population from mainland China. At the end of the 1950s, the Chinese Muslim Association (CMA) in Taiwan commissioned the construction of Taipei’s Grand Mosque to Chinese architect Yang Cho-cheng. The building, inaugurated in 1960 in front of several leaders of the Muslim world, is an architectural anomaly in Taipei’s urban landscape and it has strangely been overlooked by the most relevant contemporary western literature on building mosques in non-Muslim countries. Three important mosques were built in non-Muslim countries in the first half of the twentieth century: the Jamia Mosque in Hong Kong (1915); the Kobe Mosque (1935); and the Old Tokyo Mosque (1938) in Japan. At first glance, Taipei’s Grand mosque is immediately recognizable to the general public as a temple of Muslim faith, because it features elements traditionally associated with mosques, such as the dome, and the two slender minarets. For its design, the architect Yang Cho-cheng combined several Islamic architectural traditions (Umayyad, Fatimid, Safavid, and Ottoman) with new building techniques like the use of reinforced concrete. Even if it might look like some sort of architectural pastiche, it is actually the manifesto of the foreign politics of Taiwan in the 1960s. The following article is a detailed architectural analysis of Yang Cho-cheng’s Grand Mosque and all the factors which led to its peculiar design. Keywords: Taiwan, Islam, Islamic Architecture, Taipei, Mosque design, 1960s. Abstrak Islam diperkenalkan ke Taiwan dalam dua tempoh yang berbeza melalui migrasi penduduk dari benua itu. Yang pertama berlaku pada abad ketujuh belas semasa kempen penentangan Ming Zheng Chenggong terhadap Qing. Yang kemudiannya adalah pada pertengahan abad kedua puluh selepas berundurnya Chiang Kai-shek ke Taiwan selepas kekalahan Nasionalis kepada Parti Komunis dalam Perang Saudara. Masjid Besar Taipei dibina pada tahun 1960 berikutan penghijrahan kedua penduduk Islam dari tanah besar China. Pada penghujung tahun 1950-an, Persatuan Cina Islam (CMA) di Taiwan telah menyerahkan kerja pembinaan Masjid Besar Taipei kepada arkitek Cina bernama Yang Cho-cheng. Bangunan yang dirasmikan pada tahun 1960 di hadapan beberapa pemimpin dunia Islam, adalah anomali seni bina lanskap di bandar Taipei tetapi ironinya kesusasteraan barat kontemporari seperti tidak mengiktiraf pembinaan masjid-masjid di negara bukan Islam. Terdapat tiga buah masjid penting yang telah dibina negara bukan Islam pada separuh tahun pertama abad kedua puluh: Masjid Jamia di Hong Kong (1915); Masjid Kobe (1935); dan Masjid Tokyo Lama (1938) di Jepun. Sekilas pandang, masjid Grand Taipei diketahui oleh masyarakat umum sebagai tempat pengibadatan orang Islam, kerana ia mempunyai unsur-unsur tradisi sebuah masjid, seperti mempunyai kubah, dan dua batang menara yang tinggi. Dalam reka bentuk senibinanya, arkitek Yang Cho-cheng telah menggabungkan beberapa tradisi seni bina Islam (Umayyad, Fatimid, Safavid, dan Uthmaniyyah) dengan teknik bangunan baru seperti penggunaan konkrit bertetulang. Walaupun ia kelihatan seperti sejenis karya senibina, ia sebenarnya adalah manifesto politik asing Taiwan pada tahun 1960-an. Artikel ini bertujuan menganalisa seni bina dengan terperinci mengenai Masjid Besar yang dibina oleh Yang Cho-cheng dan semua faktor yang membawa kepada keunikan reka bentuk seni binanya. Kata Kunci: Taiwan, Islam, Arkitek Islam, Taipei, Rekabentuk Masjid, 1960s.


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