Collective angst and group continuity as predictors of collective action for progressive city policies

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022098760
Author(s):  
Michał Jaśkiewicz ◽  
Tomasz Besta ◽  
Judyta Borchet

Paweł Adamowicz, the liberal mayor of Gdańsk, Poland, died on January 14, 2019, after being stabbed by a man who rushed onstage during a charity event. Four studies were carried out to analyze the predictors of willingness to engage in collective action in support of the progressive city policies he initiated. In Study 1 ( N = 214), collective angst was related to collective action intention. Identification with Gdańsk mediated this relation. In the next two studies, we tested the role of the perceived continuity of the in-group. The relationship between collective angst and willingness to support collective actions was mediated by perceived essentialist continuity of the group (Study 2, on snap election day, N = 121). Moreover, results confirmed that collective angst predicted strength of identification with Gdańsk. This identification was related to the perceived essentialist continuity of the group, which in turn was linked to willingness to engage in collective actions in support of progressive policies (Study 3, N = 98). In Study 4 ( N = 456), conducted within a few days before the presidential election in Poland, we replicated the model of mediation obtained in Study 3, and showed that contextualized collective angst also predicted collective action intentions.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theofilos Gkinopoulos ◽  
Silvia Mari

Conspiracy theories often concern political and milestone social events, mobilizing various explanations or actions. However, there is a still emerging research on how conspiracy theories mobilize normative and non-normative collective action, as well as political engagement. Furthermore, questions to be explored relate to emotional underpinnings of the consequential aspect of conspiracy theories. In our paper, we conducted two studies on exploring the relationship between exposure to conspiracy theories and normative, non-normative collective action and political engagement, moderated by primed victimhood and mediated by fear/anxiety and anger emotional indices. In two studies, we established the effect of exposure to conspiracy theories on normative, non-normative collection and political engagement, as well as the emotional valence following exposure to conspiracy or non-conspiracy scenarios. We also found a significant interaction between exposure to conspiracy theories and primed victimhood on normative, non-normative collective action and political engagement. Finally, fear/anxiety and anger indices mediated the moderation effect of the interaction between exposure to conspiracy theories and primed victimhood on the aforementioned dependent variables. Results are discussed in light of the broader impact of circulation of conspiracy theories and their effective tackle amidst societal traumas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-43
Author(s):  
George Okello Candiya Bongomin ◽  
John C. Munene ◽  
Joseph Mpeera Ntayi ◽  
Charles Akol Malinga

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to establish the mediating role of collective action in the relationship between financial intermediation and financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses structural equation modeling (SEM) through bootstrap approach constructed using analysis of moment structures to test for the mediating role of collective action in the relationship between financial intermediation and financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda. Besides, the paper adopts Baron and Kenny’s (1986) approach to establish whether conditions for mediation by collective action exist.FindingsThe results revealed that collective action significantly mediates the relationship between financial intermediation and financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda. The findings further indicated that the mediated model had better model fit indices than the non-mediated model under SEM bootstrap. Furthermore, the results showed that both collective action and financial intermediation have significant and direct impacts on financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda. Therefore, the findings suggest that the presence of collective action boost financial intermediation for improved financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda.Research limitations/implicationsThe study used quantitative data collected through cross-sectional research design. Further studies through the use of interviews could be adopted in future. Methodologically, the study adopted use of SEM bootstrap approach to establish the mediating effect of collective action. However, it ignored the Sobel’s test and MedGraph methods. Future studies could adopt the use of alternative methods of Sobel’s test and MedGraph. Additionally, the study focused only on semi-formal financial institutions. Hence, further studies may consider the use of data collected from formal and informal institutions.Practical implicationsPolicy makers and managers of financial institutions should consider the role of collective action in promoting economic development, especially in developing countries. They should create structures and design financial services and products that promote collective action among the poor in rural Uganda.Originality/valueAlthough several scholars have articulated financial inclusion based on both the supply and demand side factors, this is the first study to test the mediating role of collective action in the relationship between financial intermediation and financial inclusion of the poor in rural Uganda using SEM bootstrap approach. Theoretically, the study combines the role of collective action with financial intermediation to promote financial inclusion. Financial intermediation theory ignores the role played by collective action in the intermediation process between the surplus and deficit units.


1984 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
R R Hall ◽  
D C Thorns ◽  
W E Willmott

The relationship between community and class has largely been neglected. In this paper, this relationship is focused upon, and a model is developed which allows the identification of significant aspects of locality and class relationships. The model identifies three sets of relationships, those based on propinquity, those based on property, and those based on kinship, and argues that the basis of communion within a locality can be found within any one of these three main sets of relationships. The research which stimulated this paper started with a focus upon the relationship between space and class as expressed in the pattern of landownership. Working from this beginning point, the analysis moves to examine the nature of boundaries and the structure of local organisations which constitute ‘latent’ community. A further dimension, which was pivotal in many traditional rural community studies, is then explored, namely kinship. For each of these three sets of relationships, it is possible to identify objective patterns based upon boundaries and upon local organisation, property ownership, and kin connections. The process by which these objective relationships acquire subjective meaning is similar in each of the three cases. The possibility both of contradiction and of reinforcement therefore exists in the development of communion within localities. The conditions under which propinquity produces community through the development of subjective consciousness are then explored. In the conclusions a number of issues are highlighted which are brought into focus by this approach. These are the interconnections of community and class, the relationship between transience and social structure, and between male mateship and egalitarianism, the role of gender within communities, and, finally, the relationship between localities and the wider society.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serpil T. Yuce ◽  
Nitin Agarwal ◽  
Rolf T. Wigand ◽  
Merlyna Lim ◽  
Rebecca S. Robinson

In recent mass protests such as the Arab Spring and Occupy movements, protesters used social media to spread awareness, coordinate, and mobilize support. Social media-assisted collective action has attracted much attention from journalists, political observers, and researchers of various disciplines. In this article, the authors study transnational online collective action through the lens of inter-network cooperation. The authors analyze interaction and support between the women's rights networks of two online collective actions: ‘Women to Drive' (primarily Saudi Arabia) and ‘Sexual Harassment' (global). Methodologies used include: extracting each collective action's social network from blogs authored by female Muslim bloggers (23 countries), mapping interactions among network actors, and conducting sentiment analysis on observed interactions to provide a better understanding of inter-network support. The authors examine these two distinct but overlapped networks of collective actions and discover that brokering and bridging processes can facilitate the diffusion of information, coalition formation, and the expansion of the networks. The broader goal of the study is to examine the dynamics between interconnected collective actions. This research contributes to understanding the mobilization of social movements in digital activism and the role of cooperative networks in online collective action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (83) ◽  
pp. 618-632
Author(s):  
Silvia Morales de Queiroz Caleman ◽  
Guilherme Fowler de Avila Monteiro ◽  
George Hendrikse

Abstract We examine the role of collective actions as supporting elements of a long-lasting sustainable food supply chain. This article’s main contribution is to link the idea of sustainable supply chains and the collective action problem (horizontal coordination) that may be required in order to deal with externalities related to the provision of sustainable products. In addition, we analyze how the presence or absence of government incentives shapes collective action in the food industry. We base our analysis in a simple formal argument inspired by case studies regarding sustainable farming in Brazil and the Netherlands. Results show that horizontal mechanisms of cooperation maintain positive levels of sustainability, even in the absence of direct payments by the government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Alexander V. Sokolov

The article deal with the analysis of the phenomenon of collective action. A review of modern ideas about the features of collective action, mass action in politics is made. The great importance of collective identity in the process of organizing and implementing of collective actions is indicated. The network nature of modern collective actions and the significant influence of information and communication technologies in the process of their organization are noted. To illustrate the features of collective action in Russia, the article presents the results of a longitudinal study of collective action conducted since 2014 by interviewing experts from various regions of the Russian Federation (annual sample of at least 14 Russian regions and at least 155 experts). The study allows us to identify the dynamics of the activity of collective actions, the features of their organization, the trends of cooperation, the intensity of protest actions. The conclusion is made about the slowdown in the growth of civic activism and collective action. Relative growth is observed only in their manifestation on the Internet. There is a gradual decrease in the politicization of collective action and youth involvement in mass action. At the same time, the role of Internet tools in organizing politicized collective actions is increasing. The article analyzes the actors of collective action. It is concluded that the development of the Internet is a factor contributing to the formation of wider coalitions in the process of organizing and carrying out of collective actions and the increasing activity of unregistered public associations. It is indicated that there is a tendency for the development of network characteristics of collective actions in modern Russia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801773068 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian M. Hollenbach ◽  
Jan H. Pierskalla

This paper discusses the issue of possible reporting bias in media-based violent-event data and its relation to the role of communication technology in fostering collective action. We expand the work of Weidmann (2016), presenting several sensitivity analyses to determine the degree to which reporting bias may confound the relationship between communication technology and violence in a recent study that relies on event data for Africa. We find no strong evidence that suggests results on the positive relationship between communication technology and collective action in the study by Pierskalla and Hollenbach (2013) are wholly an artifact of reporting bias.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950002 ◽  
Author(s):  
HEE MIN ◽  
SEONGYI YUN

Previous studies have shown that social media is effective in large-scale mobilization, facilitating leaderless and more flexible forms of resistance. However, some scholars argue that this type of mobilization suffers from a lack of organizational form and collective identity. This paper shows that social media-centered networks can in fact promote collective actions powerful enough to challenge a corrupt president. We also prove the role of emotions in collective actions. Using an empirical analysis of the 2016 Presidential Impeachment Protests surrounding “Choi Soon-sil Gate,” we first demonstrate the effects of social media activities on participation in collective actions. Next, we explore the effects of anger on social media activities and participation. In short, this study reveals a new angle on social media’s influence in mobilizing collective actions by analyzing the effect of emotions on participation. In this process, social media activities are escalated by emotional outbreaks, and participation then increases throughout a given collective action.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Wright ◽  
Michael T. Schmitt ◽  
Caroline Mei Li Mackay

We extend social identity models of pro-environmental collective action by expanding on the plausible role of access to cognitive alternatives to the environmental status quo (i.e., the ability of people to imagine what a sustainable relationship with nature would look like). Using a representative Canadian survey on age, gender, and ethnicity (N = 1029) we evaluate the associations between access to environmental cognitive alternatives and politicized environmental identity and willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior. Additionally, we extend research using exclusively self-reported outcomes by giving participants the opportunity to write and sign a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. Our results suggest that envisioning specific ways in which the status quo can be changed is associated with stronger politicized environmental identity, greater willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior, and increased likelihood of writing and signing a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. All methods and analyses follow our preregistration (https://osf.io/b56ry) and all materials and data are openly available (https://osf.io/24yeq/).


2021 ◽  
pp. 001391652110650
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Wright ◽  
Michael T. Schmitt ◽  
Caroline M. L. Mackay

We expand on the plausible role of access to cognitive alternatives to the environmental status quo (i.e., the ability of people to imagine what a sustainable relationship with nature would look like) in motivating pro-environmental collective action. Using a representative sample of Canadians on age, gender, and ethnicity ( N = 1,029) we evaluate the associations between access to environmental cognitive alternatives, politicized environmental identity, and willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior. Additionally, we move beyond self-reported behavior by giving participants the opportunity to write and sign a pro-environmental letter to the Canadian Minister of the Environment and Climate Change. Our results suggest that access to cognitive alternatives is associated with stronger politicized environmental identity, greater willingness to engage in pro-environmental activist behavior, and increased likelihood of writing and signing a pro-environmental letter. All methods and analyses follow our preregistration and all materials and data are openly available.


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