The degree of heterogeneity of news consumption in Germany—Descriptive statistics and relations with individual differences in personality, ideological attitudes, and voting intentions

2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110617
Author(s):  
Cornelia Sindermann ◽  
Christopher Kannen ◽  
Christian Montag

This study aimed to examine the degree of homogeneity versus heterogeneity of individuals’ political information environments across offline and online media types and relations with sociodemographic variables, personality, and political attitudes. In two online surveys, German participants (sample 1: N = 686; sample 2: N = 702) provided information on sociodemographic variables, consumption of political news, and voting intentions, and completed the Big Five Inventory and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) scales. Results revealed that absolutely homogeneous political news consumption was evident for a small proportion of individuals (2.04% and 0.43%). Openness (positively) and Agreeableness (negatively) exhibited significant associations with the degree of heterogeneity of political information environments across samples. No consistent patterns of relations with either the ideological attitudes of RWA and SDO or voting intentions were observed. The findings shed light on the existence of absolutely homogeneous political information environments and “who” might be prone to a more homogeneous versus more heterogeneous information environment.

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tessa Haesevoets ◽  
Chris Reinders Folmer ◽  
Alain Van Hiel

In mixed–motive games, people must choose between acting upon selfish interests and concerns for others. Yet, the consistency of people's behaviour across these various games is still unclear. If the same conflict between self and others is at the core of all mixed–motive situations, three hypotheses can be stated: (1) behaviours in different mixed–motive games should be substantially related; (2) all these games should substantially appeal to dispositional variables that probe in the psychological conflict between self and others; and (3) these dispositional variables should explain the shared variance among various games. These hypotheses were tested among undergraduate students ( N = 219) who played seven different single–shot mixed–motive games and one sequential game. Social Value Orientation and the ideological attitudes Social Dominance Orientation and Right–Wing Authoritarianism were included as dispositions. Our findings, however, showed evidence that did not fully substantiate our hypotheses, which calls into question the general idea that all mixed–motive games render the conflict between selfish interests and concern for others salient. In the discussion, we focus on implications for research on mixed–motive situations and elaborate on the role of ideology in this domain. Copyright © 2015 European Association of Personality Psychology


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 585-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecil Meeusen ◽  
Kristof Dhont

Using a representative sample of Belgian adolescents (N = 1530) and both their parents, we investigated the parent–child similarity in prejudice towards different out–groups and ideological attitudes (right–wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation). Contrary to previous studies, first, we distinguished between common and specific components of prejudice to test whether the parent–child similarity in one specific type of prejudice was symptomatic of parent–child similarity in prejudice towards out–groups in general. Second, we evaluated whether the parent–child similarity in common and specific components of prejudice was related to the parent–child similarity in ideological attitudes. Third, we investigated the moderating role of political discussion in the intergenerational framework of ideology and prejudice. Results indicated that parent–child similarity was particularly pronounced for the common rather than the specific component of prejudice and that the similarity in ideological attitudes was partly related to the similarity in the common component of prejudice. Finally, adolescents who discuss social and political issues more (versus less) frequently with their parents more strongly resembled their parents in the common component of prejudice and levels of authoritarianism. These results suggest that generalized prejudice runs in families and highlight politicization of the family as an important socialization mechanism. Copyright © 2015 European Association of Personality Psychology


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Stanley ◽  
Taciano L Milfont ◽  
Marc Wilson ◽  
Chris G Sibley

Social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are ideological attitudes that predict lower concern for the environment and less willingness to act on climate change. Research generally shows that SDO and RWA exhibit moderate, negative relationships with environmentalism. We examine the longitudinal influence of SDO and RWA on people’s willingness to change their behaviour to benefit the environment in a national probability sample over five years. We show that both ideological attitudes relate to lower environmentalism across time and that the SDO effect was stronger than the RWA effect, yet the association from environmentalism to later endorsement of SDO is stronger than the reverse. Interestingly, these findings suggest that the more likely temporal association flows from environmentalism to SDO.


Author(s):  
Emma Onraet ◽  
Alain Van Hiel ◽  
Barbara Valcke ◽  
Jasper Van Assche

Abstract The present study conducted in the Netherlands examines citizen's attitudes towards asylum seekers. We collected data in a large (N = 993) heterogeneous adult sample in November 2015, in the midst of the European “refugee crisis”. Our first aim was to map the reactions of citizens towards asylum seekers. Our second aim was to examine the role of right-wing ideological attitudes (i.e., Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation) in explaining these reactions. With respect to the first research aim, it was revealed that, on average, our respondents were rather unwilling to help asylum seekers. Moreover, respondents were more welcoming towards legitimate asylum seekers (who are on the run from war and violence in their home country) compared to economic asylum seekers. With respect to the second research aim, we found that right-wing attitudes were related to stronger negative reactions towards asylum seekers. Moreover, individuals higher on right-wing ideological attitudes were more likely to perceive asylum seekers as being economic asylum seekers and less as legitimate asylum seekers, which related to stronger feelings of threat and ultimately, to more negative reactions towards asylum seekers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 550-567
Author(s):  
John R. Kerr ◽  
Marc S. Wilson

Previous research has highlighted how ideological factors such as political self-identification, religiosity and conspiracy thinking influence our beliefs about scientific issues such as climate change and vaccination. Across three studies (combined N = 9,022) we expand on this line of inquiry to show for the first time that the ideological attitudes relating to authoritarianism and group-based dominance predict disagreement with the scientific consensus in several scientific domains. We show these effects are almost entirely mediated by varying combinations of ideological (political ideology, religiosity, free-market endorsement, conspiracy thinking) and science-specific (scientific knowledge, trust in scientists) constructs, depending on the scientific issue in question. Importantly, a general distrust of science and scientists emerges as the most consistent mediator across different scientific domains. We find that, consistent with previous research, the ideological roots of rejection of science vary across scientific issues. However, we also show that these roots may share a common origin in ideological attitudes regarding authority and equality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 366-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cichocka ◽  
Kristof Dhont ◽  
Arti P. Makwana ◽  
Mitja Back

Previous research has obtained mixed findings as to whether feelings of self–worth are positively or negatively related to right–wing ideological beliefs and prejudice. We propose to clarify the link between self–worth and ideology by distinguishing between narcissistic and non–narcissistic self–evaluations as well as between different dimensions of ideological attitudes. Four studies, conducted in three different socio–political contexts: the UK (Study 1, N = 422), the US (Studies 2 and 3, Ns = 471 and 289, respectively), and Poland (Study 4, N = 775), investigated the associations between narcissistic and non–narcissistic self–evaluations, social dominance orientation (SDO), right–wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethnic prejudice. Confirming our hypotheses, the results consistently showed that after controlling for self–esteem, narcissistic self–evaluation was positively associated with SDO (accounting for RWA), yet negatively associated with RWA (accounting for SDO). These associations were similar after controlling for psychopathy and Machiavellianism (Study 3) as well as collective narcissism and Big Five personality characteristics (Study 4). Studies 2–4 additionally demonstrated that narcissistic self–evaluation was indirectly positively associated with prejudice through higher SDO (free of RWA) but indirectly negatively associated with prejudice through lower RWA (free of SDO). Implications for understanding the role of self–evaluation in right–wing ideological attitudes and prejudice are discussed. Copyright © 2017 The Authors. European Journal of Personality published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Association of Personality Psychology


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.S. Grigoryev

The article is devoted to the problem of discrimination of immigrants in the socioeconomic domain, which can be considered the main obstacle by the host society for the socio-economic adaptation of immigrants. Contrasting three reputed approaches to the study of prejudice and discrimination, and exploring for groups of mainstream population with similar acculturation characteristics (acculturation profiles), using the sample of 576 Russians non-immigrants, the relationship between social worldview (dangerous worldview and competitive worldview), ideological attitudes (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, multicultural ideology) and willingness for intergroup contact was examined. The hypothesis of moderation by the acculturation profile (bicultural, alternate-bicultural, and assimilated) to the considered relationships was not supported, the proposed conceptual model across all groups was same. In general, the results showed that representations of individuals about the social world as a dangerous and competitive place, which is formed by individual differences originating from the personal experience of socialization and impact of the existing social environment, may also be associated with the support of multicultural ideology and willingness for intergroup contact that in turn to some extent influence the endorsement of discrimination of immigrants in the socioeconomic domain.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bollwerk ◽  
Bernd Schlipphak ◽  
Joscha Stecker ◽  
Jens Hellmann ◽  
Gerald Echterhoff ◽  
...  

Threat perceptions towards immigrants continue to gain importance in the context of growing international migration. To reduce associated intergroup conflicts, it is crucial to understand the personal and contextual determinants of perceived threat. In a large online survey study (N = 1,184), we investigated the effects of ideology (i.e., Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation), subjective societal status (SSS) and their interaction effects in predicting symbolic and realistic threat perceptions towards Middle Eastern immigrants. Results showed that ideology (higher RWA and SDO) and lower SSS significantly predicted both symbolic and realistic threat, even after controlling for income, education, age, and gender. Furthermore, ideology and SSS interacted significantly in predicting realistic threat, with higher levels of SDO and RWA enhancing the effect of SSS. In the discussion, we focus on the implications of our findings with respect to understanding societal conflicts, discuss methodological limitations, and provide directions for future research.


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