“If you didn’t take a selfie, did you even vote?”: Embodied mass communication and citizenship models in “I voted” selfies

2022 ◽  
pp. 146144482110689
Author(s):  
Chelsea P Butkowski

After participating in US elections, voters have begun to share “I voted” selfies, or networked self-portraits that display their political participation. “I voted” selfies exist at the intersection of competing ideals of citizenship, including dutiful citizenship, which centers civic duty and voting, and self-actualizing citizenship, which focuses on individualized and expressive forms of political participation. I argue that these images can be understood through historically resonant communication practices, namely, as a mediated manifestation of 19th-century political congregations that I term embodied mass communication. To trace how voters perform embodied visions of citizenship through shared practices of digital self-representation, I conducted a content analysis of “I voted” selfies posted to Twitter on US Election Day 2016. In these selfies, voters present their bodies as civic evidence, frame individual representations to signify visual collectives, and creatively contextualize their political participation. Their selfies suggest how representational rituals can reflect and reconstitute citizenship models.

2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Torres Bodle ◽  
Larry Burriss ◽  
Tricia Farwell ◽  
Shana Hammaker ◽  
Jaya Joshi

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
On Barak

AbstractDuring the long 19th century, British coal proliferated throughout the Ottoman Empire in increasing quantity, rapidity, and regularity via junctions and political arrangements that became evermore stable and dominant. The British used coal export to project their power elsewhere, offshoring the Industrial Revolution by building an infrastructure that could support it overseas and connect it to existing facets of the imperial project. Examining this “outsourcing” and the importance of foreign coal markets to industrialization helps provincialize the steam engine and anchor it in a global context. It also allows us to explore the impact of fossil energy on the Middle East and the ways coal both set the stage for the arrival of oil and informed the possibilities for translating carbon power into politics. Coal, the article suggests, animated political participation in England while reinforcing authoritarian tendencies in the Middle East.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-259
Author(s):  
Osnat Akirav ◽  
Yael Ben-Horin

AbstractThis paper examines the causes of the increase in the number of women candidates in local Israeli government elections during October 2013. To do so, it develops a new model called the four anchors model based on (1) authentic leadership, (2) organizations with gender awareness, (3) practices that provide organized training for women only and (4) networking for women. Establishment of each one of the anchors with synergy among all four of them will encourage more women to be active in political life at the local level. The research combines mixed research methods based on seven different information sources such as questionnaires, interviews, content analysis of newsletters from the Local Councilwomen’s Union, observations and informal talks with women council members.


Author(s):  
Liam McLoughlin ◽  
Rosalynd Southern

Following the 2017 UK general election, there was much debate about the so-called ‘youthquake’, or increase in youth turnout (YouGov). Some journalists claimed it was the ‘. . . memes wot won it’. This article seeks to understand the role of memes during political campaigns. Combining meta-data and content analysis, this article aims to answer three questions. First, who creates political memes? Second, what is the level of engagement with political memes and who engages with them? Finally, can any meaningful political information be derived from memes? The findings here suggest that by far the most common producers of memes were citizens suggesting that memes may be a form of citizen-initiated political participation. There was a high level of engagement with memes with almost half a million shares in our sample. However, the level of policy information in memes was low suggesting they are unlikely to increase political knowledge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 424-435
Author(s):  
Florian Arendt

During the 19th century, suicide rates increased in many countries. The press may have contributed to this increase, even though empirical evidence is lacking in this regard. We assessed suicide statistics within five territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire between 1871 and 1910 and combined these data with a content analysis of suicide reporting in five newspapers, each appearing in one of the five territories. The analysis revealed a covariation between the quantity of reporting and the number of suicides within all five regions. Furthermore, the quantity of reporting significantly predicted the following year’s suicides. Although the causal order of suicides and the quantity of reporting should be assessed with caution, evidence is consistent with the idea that the press may have contributed to the establishment of suicide as a mass phenomenon. The findings also support contemporary guidelines for journalists, especially the notion of avoiding undue repetition of suicide stories.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasia Kavada

Decentralized and internally diverse, the Global Justice Movement (GJM) is thought to be influenced by its use of the internet. Operating in an environment characterized by the conditions of globalization and late modernity, the movement strives to be a collective that accommodates individual difference. Focusing on the organizing process of the European Social Forum, this article examines the role of email lists and physical meetings in realizing this ‘unity in diversity’. Based on interviews with movement activists and a content analysis of three email lists, this article examines how online and face-to-face communication practices engender different dynamics in terms of individuality and collectiveness. While communication on email lists tends to afford divergence, diversity, and individual autonomy, face-to-face contact enables convergence, unity and the affirmation of the collective. Thus, it is the combination of those two modes of communication that helps the movement to fuse seemingly opposing dynamics.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 244-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Krupinskif ◽  
Roma Emmerson

A study has been carried out to determine whether there has been a real increase in violent crime in Victoria or whether the public has been affected by the greater prominence given to violence in the mass media. The rates of violent crime, based on “persons taken into custody or proceeded against” were highest in the seventies and eighties of the 19th century. They, then, showed a steady decline until the mid thirties of the 20th century. Since the fifties, there has been an increase, but, with the exception of assault causing grievous bodily harm, they are still much lower than they were 100 years ago. The content analysis of the four main dailies ( The Age, The Argus, the Herald and the Sun) has shown an increasing coverage of violent crime both in the number, and in the size of articles devoted to it. The authors discuss the reasons for and possible effects of this phenomenon.


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