Blast from the past: U.S. foreign policy and Indexing India in U.S. press during Cold War

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095499
Author(s):  
Abhijit Mazumdar

This qualitative research studied press-state relations using India as a case study. It studied India’s depiction in The New York Times during the Cold War using Indexing theory. Indexing theory states that the press reflects policies of its own country’s government during international reporting. This research uncovered common themes in the newspaper between 1967 and 1991 that lent support to Indexing theory. The research has implications for the U.S. media that recently started criticizing India following the U.S. government’s criticism of India on account of various political moves taken by the Narendra Modi-led government.

Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr M. Szpunar

In 1995, when discussing the critiques of the New York Times made by academics and pundits, Michael Schudson stated that the newspaper has never been anything ‘like the late, unlamented Pravda’. This comparison, utilized in a variety of ways over time, originated in the canonical Four Theories of the Press (Siebert et al., 1963[1956]). This juxtaposition, more broadly, uses the Cold War ‘Other’ to define what western journalism is, or should be, by what it is not. Building on the theoretical insights of Fredrik Barth and Edward Said, this article traces the construction of this ‘Other’ in the study of western journalism. Ultimately, the author argues that the use of this ‘Other’ in the construction of a coherent, meaningful definition of western journalism, and in the explication and justification of journalistic practice therein, constitutes a problematic guide in thinking about the development of journalism in nations that were historically part of this ‘Other’.


2019 ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
David P. Hadley

This chapter examines the increasingly fraught press environment of the 1960s and its effect on the CIA, as the Cold War consensus slowly began to unravel. In an effort to garner support, the Central Intelligence Agency began more systematic efforts to provide briefings to members of the press. The New York Times Washington Bureau, first under James Reston and then under Tom Wicker, had a standing arrangement for briefings by the CIA. Once that arrangement ended, the New York Times published an unprecedented series of articles exploring the CIA’s activities. In 1967 a radical publication, Ramparts, revealed the agency’s decades-long foray into supporting private organizations and student groups to use culture as a weapon in the Cold War. The CIA survived each crisis, but its position continued to deteriorate, and there emerged a growing faction in the press skeptical of the agency and national security arguments against publishing stories.


2000 ◽  
Vol 74 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 281-285
Author(s):  
David J. Carroll

[First paragraph]Cuba: Confronting the U.S. Embargo. PETER SCHWAB. New York: St. Martin's, 1999. xiii + 226 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95)Presidential Decision Making Adrift: The Carter Administration and the Mariel Boatlift. DAVID W. ENGSTROM. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997. x + 239 pp. (Paper US$25.95)Fleeing Castro: Operation Pedro Pan and the Cuban Children's Program. VICTOR ANDRES TRIAY. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. xiv + 126 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95, Paper US$ 14.95)Some forty years after it was first imposed in 1960 in the midst of the cold war, the U.S. embargo against Cuba remains the defining feature of U.S.-Cuban relations. Like the Berlin Wall, the embargo is both a symbolic and a physical barrier keeping apart two neighbors destined to move closer. Unlike the Berlin Wall which feil at the end of the cold war, the U.S. embargo against Cuba still stands.


Prospects ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 479-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Wald

On the morning of June 20, 1951, a hundred FBI agents poured out of the Foley Square Federal Building in Manhattan at dawn, buttoned up their gray trenchcoats, and bounded into a fleet of waiting Buicks. Spreading throughout New York City in a well-orchestrated operation, they surrounded twenty private homes, burst into bedrooms, and dragged sixteen Communist Party leaders off to jail under the Smith Act charge of conspiring to teach the overthrow of the U.S. government. This was the second group of top Party functionaries to be arrested under the Act.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail Hershatter

When I was a child at the height of the Cold War, the press painted China in vivid primary colors—red menace, yellow peril, blue-clad masses. China was a back-burner story, however, compared to the Soviet threat, and my education through high school never touched upon it. A shift in public attention began with the 1971 China visit of the U.S. ping-pong team and Nixon's state visit in February 1972. Suddenly the mainstream U.S. press discovered beggar-free streets, healthy children, acupuncture anesthesia, and national optimism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei. V. Grinëëv ◽  
Richard L. Bland

Many people have written about the history of the Russian-American Company (RAC), some for scholars, others for a lay audience. Numerous writers have been Americans and Europeans who have had access to the records of the RAC that are held in the U.S. National Archives. But more records-preserved in Russia-were rarely accessible to Western scholars until the end of the Cold War. Dr. Andrei V. Grinëëv is one of the leading authorities on the history of Russian America. In the past two decades he has published two monographs, ten chapters in the three-volume Istoriya Russkoi Ameriki [The History of Russian America], and seventy-five articles in Russian, English, and Japanese. He writes not just about the Europeans who settled in Russia's transoceanic territories but also about Native Americans. Many of his works are unique in that he draws on both the ethnography and history of Native Americans. With regard to Russian America, he deals not only with the policies of governments and companies but with individuals as well. In pursuit of this task, Grinëëv has now written a book about everyone who had connections with Russian America. It contains more than 5,800 biographical sketches and was published in 2009. In the work below, he analyzes the writings of scholars who have tried to unravel historical details about individuals, companies, and governments that related to the Russian-American Company. This article was translated from Russian. Since a great deal of Russian literature is cited, it is important to understand the form of transliteration used with these titles. For a detailed description of the transliteration, please see the Translator's Note in the appendix.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 33-39
Author(s):  
U. Artamonova

This article focuses on workforce policies trends in the American public diplomacy institutions. The author compares tendencies regarding HR policy, e. g. frequency of leadership change, length of timespans between nominations, the ratio of acting and confirmed nominees during the age of the United Stated Information Agency (USIA) and after its disbandment in 1999. Comparison demonstrates a considerable change of patterns: since 1999, persons in charge of the American public diplomacy institutions have been rotating more often, and positions themselves stayed vacant longer than they did in the 20th century. There have been many acting nominees during the past decade, whereas in the time of the USIA there has been none. In addition, the article studies characteristics of both the USIA directors and Under Secretaries of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. The analysis of education, professional background, personal relationship with the U. S. President (or the lack of it) demonstrated that standards for the Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs position applicants are significantly lower than the ones that were applied to candidates for the directorship of the USIA. With the results obtained, the author arrived to a conclusion that the change of HR policy in the American public diplomacy sphere indicates the lack of interest in the particular dimension of foreign policy among the political leadership of the U.S. in comparison to the age of the Cold War. This conclusion agrees with the fact that since 1990s, the American public diplomacy remains in crisis: no major reforms of institutions since 1999, unsuccessful attempts to develop a comprehensive strategic document for public diplomacy, frequent piques of anti-Americanism in the international public opinion in the 21st century. The article argues that the absence of a prominent leader in the American public diplomacy who would have stayed in the office for considerable amount of time, been a confidant of the President and thus an active participant of the formation of a national political vision, possessed outstanding professional experience, is both the consequence of the crisis in the U.S. public diplomacy and the factor that contributes to this crisis remaining unsolved.


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