Who is in love with multilateralism? Treaty commitment in the post-Cold War era

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Elsig ◽  
Karolina Milewicz ◽  
Nikolas Stürchler
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Systematic Account ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Treaty Ratification ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Multilateral Treaty ◽  
Multilateral Treaties

Since the end of the Cold War, multilateral treaties have again become a central vehicle for international cooperation. In this article, we study states’ commitment to 76 multilateral treaties concluded between 1990 and 2005. The article offers a systematic account of present-day multilateral treaty-making efforts and asks what explains variation in states’ participation as witnessed in the act of treaty ratification. We test existing explanations and provide a novel argument that accounts for the strong participation of new European democracies in multilateral treaties. We find that regime type and being part of the European Union (EU) strongly affect treaty ratification. New EU democracies, in particular, are much more likely to ratify multilateral treaties than are other new democracies.

A test of the democratic peacekeeping hypothesis: Coups, democracy, and foreign military deployments

2020 ◽  
pp. 002234332090562
Author(s):  
Jamie Levin ◽  
Joseph MacKay ◽  
Anne Spencer Jamison ◽  
Abouzar Nasirzadeh ◽  
Anthony Sealey
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Private Goods ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
Incumbent Regime ◽  
Coup Risk ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
At Home

While peacekeeping’s effects on receiving states have been studied at length, its effects on sending states have only begun to be explored. This article examines the effects of contributing peacekeepers abroad on democracy at home. Recent qualitative research has divergent findings: some find peacekeeping contributes to democratization among sending states, while others find peacekeeping entrenches illiberal or autocratic rule. To adjudicate, we build on recent quantitative work focused specifically on the incidence of coups. We ask whether sending peacekeepers abroad increases the risk of military intervention in politics at home. Drawing on selectorate theory, we expect the effect of peacekeeping on coup risk to vary by regime type. Peacekeeping brings with it new resources which can be distributed as private goods. In autocracies, often developing states where UN peacekeeping remuneration exceeds per-soldier costs, deployment produces a windfall for militaries. Emboldened by new resources, which can be distributed as private goods among the selectorate, and fearing the loss of them in the future, they may act to depose the incumbent regime. In contrast, peacekeeping will have little effect in developed democracies, which have high per-troop costs, comparatively large selectorates, and low ex-ante coup risk. Anocracies, which typically have growing selectorates, and may face distinctive international pressures to democratize, will likely experience reduced coup risk. We test these claims with data covering peacekeeping deployments, regime type, and coup risk since the end of the Cold War. Our findings confirm our theoretical expectations. These findings have implications both for how we understand the impact of participation in peacekeeping – particularly among those countries that contribute troops disproportionately in the post-Cold War era – and for the potential international determinants of domestic autocracy.

The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.189

scholarly journals The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.

Jacques Delors, the End of the Cold War and the EU Democratic Deficit

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-304
Author(s):  
Benedetto ZACCARIA
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Direct Consequence ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The present work focuses on the role played by Jacques Delors, who held the presidency of the European Commission between 1985 and 1995, in fostering public attention to the question of the so-called democratic deficit of the European Union (EU). It argues that Delors’s involvement in this question was a direct consequence of his post-1989 view of European integration as a “collective” project, that is, a political enterprise based on the direct consensus and involvement of its citizens. This perspective was shaped by the reconfiguration of the role of the European Community in the post-Cold War European scenario and by the impact that “democratic” transitions in Central and Eastern Europe had on the Community itself. As an advocate of a “collective” Europe, Delors criticised the Maastricht Treaty for its failure to push towards political integration, publicly disputing the democratic character of the EU since its very inception.

EC–ASEAN Relations in the 1970s as an Origin of the European Union–Asia Relationship

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Tomoya KURODA
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Institutional Relations ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Regional Organisation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Global Strategies ◽  
The Eu

Today, the relationship between EU and Asian countries is at a turning point. During the Cold War, there was quite a large gap in status between the EC and ASEAN. The EC was highly institutionalised and the most advanced regional organisation, while ASEAN was simply an association of developing countries. However, in the post-Cold War era, Asia has gained a more important status compared to Europe. A striking example is the establishment of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996, where heads of states were treated as ‘equal partners’. This article addresses the following question as the main point of its research: Why and how did the EC establish institutional bonds with ASEAN countries? Despite this corpus of research, studies of the factors behind the EC’s shift towards institutionalised relationships with ASEAN have not examined the geopolitical interests at stake. This paper, thus, aims to give an overall picture of EC-ASEAN institutional relations in the 1970s, with particular attention to the global strategies of EC member states, based on a multi-archival approach. Thus, this paper analyses a neglected origin of the EU-Asia relationship.

scholarly journals Post-Cold War sanctioning by the EU, the UN, and the US: Introducing the EUSANCT Dataset

2020 ◽  
pp. 073889422094872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M Weber ◽  
Gerald Schneider
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Eu

The European Union, the United Nations, and the United States frequently use economic sanctions. This article introduces the EUSANCT Dataset—which amends, merges, and updates some of the most widely used sanctions databases—to trace the evolution of sanctions after the Cold War. The dataset contains case-level and dyadic information on 326 threatened and imposed sanctions by the EU, the UN, and the US. We show that the usage and overall success of sanctions have not grown from 1989 to 2015 and that while the US is the most active sanctioner, the EU and the UN appear more successful.

13. The USA and the EU

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Integration Project

This chapter examines the United States’ involvement in the transatlantic relationship with the European integration project. In particular, it considers the ways in which U.S. foreign policy makers have developed images of the European Community and now the European Union on the challenges posed by European integration for U.S. policy processes and the uses of U.S. power. It also explores how these challenges have been met in the very different conditions of the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. It concludes by raising a number of questions about the capacity of the United States to shape and adapt to European integration, and thus about the future of U.S.–EU relations.

Greek Foreign Policy Since the Metapolitefsi

2020 ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Spyros Economides
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
External Environment ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
External Relations ◽  
Holistic Understanding ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines Greek foreign policy since the metapolitefsi through three broad characteristics. First, it argues that since 1974, a central defining feature of Greek foreign and security policy has been the search for an external guarantor of interests and provider of security which has seen Greece gradually shift away from American tutelage to that of the European Union. Second, is the idea that Greece’s external environment has had a determining influence on its foreign policy and security policy: it is argued that much of Greek external relations can be explained and understood through Greece’s position regionally and internationally at any given point in time in the Cold War or post-Cold War geopolitical context. Third, this chapter argues that we need to look more closely at the domestic sources of decision-making to gain a better understanding of how and why Greek foreign policy is formulated. In sum, the chapter aims to overcome piecemeal approaches to examining Greek foreign policy since 1974 by providing a more holistic understanding of the drivers of Greek foreign policy.

scholarly journals One Europe or None

2018 ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Richard Sakwa
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Mikhail Gorbachev ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
The Cold War

The European post-Cold War order assumed monist forms. Instead of the geopolitical and ideological diversity sought by Mikhail Gorbachev as he brought the Cold War to an end in the late 1980s, a type of monist cold peace was imposed in which Atlantic security institutions and ideas were consolidated. The monism was both institutional and ideational, and the two reinforced each other in a hermetic order that sought to insulate itself from critique and transformation. Russia was excluded as anything but subaltern. The post-Cold War European peace order was thus built on weak foundations, provoking a cycle of mimetic rivalry. In Russia the fateful dialectic of external challenge and domestic stultification once again operated, heightening the Kremlin’s threat perceptions. Russia’s relations with the European Union (EU) and Washington veered between the cooperative and the confrontational, until settling into a conflictual mode in 2014, as it is argued in the article.

The Lomé Convention from Inception to the Dynamics of the Post-Cold War, 1957-1990s

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-97
Author(s):  
Ismael Musah Montana
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Critical Survey ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
East European ◽  
Privileged Position ◽  
African Caribbean ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractFrom the early 1960s through the late 1980s, Lomé Convention, the chief achievement of Euro-African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries' entente, has been an interdependent form of partnership that has offered ACP states a privileged position in the European Economic Commission's Market. Although considered a cornerstone and model for Europe's North-South economic cooperation, changes that occurred in the aftermath of the Cold War had drastic effects on the nature of this historic partnership. In the period between 1989 and 1995, profound changes occurred in international relations following the end of the Cold War, followed by the subsequent liberalization of East European states' economies, the creation of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership, and the restructuring of Europe's internal as well as external policies, in part, affected the ACP's privileged position in the European Union. The concept of Cold War context used in this article will be narrower (economic implications) rather than that commonly employed in the study of superpower rivalry. The framework employed throughout the paper is a conceptual and critical survey of the Lomé Convention's history, from its inception to the changing dynamics of the post Cold-War world. The paper critically examines the divergence of interpretations of the relevance and obsolescence of the Convention in the post-Cold War context. "The World is changing. It has changed for the ACP States; it will change for the Community; it is changing all around us."

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